It is also tied to the legacy of U. This claim, I contend, remains both undertheorized and overstated, such that repetition of particular empirical data and selective anecdotal narrative e. This myopic analytical approach displaces—and pragmatically obstructs—the difficult praxis of conceptualizing immigrant detention within the organic logic of the totality of U. In this sense, the self-evident claim that imprisoned immigrants Filipino and otherwise languish in a condition of exceptional "invisibility" fails to account for the structuring logic of invisibility, civil death, and racially formed social death that has constituted the U.
Thus, the CFFSC report is undermined by the absence of a substantive attempt to link Filipino deportation and immigrant imprisonment with either a critical analytical framing of the U. The recent substantive changes under this [immigrant] "removal" rubric signal a distinct mode of societal regulation and governance, indicating new logics and practices of homeland security racism.
Homeland security racism does not simply operate from the logic that "outsiders," are to be feared, but aims to consolidate politically and economically the empire's reign locally and globally. While immigrant laws and their enforcement remain a primary venue for racism in general, homeland security racism—as articulated through a wide range of ever-changing homeland security laws—has become an expression of imperialism directed inward against its own citizens and residents.
Violence and the Body
The last dozen years have yielded an almost astronomical growth in the operating capacity, jurisdictional expansion, and institutional geography of U. By extension, the modalities in which racially pathologized brown bodies encounter the racist state through border militarization,[ 16 ] "anti-terrorism," and "anti-gang" policing etc.
While these institutional formations can and must be contextualized within the historical specificities of the current moment of global U. It is worth briefly placing the data regarding the last two decades of immigrant imprisonment and the rapidly accelerating growth therein within the context of the U. In so doing, the critical praxis of addressing immigrant detention might more adequately resist the impulse to analytically amputate this particular modality and geography of imprisonment from the overarching and socially constitutive historical technologies of racist and white supremacist U.
According to the U. Thus, we might consider imprisonment as a practice of social ordering and geopolitical power , and not as a self-evident or foreclosed jurisprudential practice: I have argued elsewhere[ 20 ] for a conception of the U. Thus, to understand the U. To invoke and critically revise Negri and Hardt's formulation in the widely read text Empire ,[ 21 ] the focal question becomes: How does the right of the U. The structure of presumption—and therefore relative political silence—enmeshing the prison's centrality to the logic of American globality is precisely evidence of the fundamental power of the U.
In this sense, the U. What would it mean, then, to consider state-crafted, white supremacist modalities of imprisonment as the perpetual end rather than the self-contained means of American globality? It is precisely because the U. It is within this composition of the "global"—as it is indelibly marked by the genealogies of "local" U. An elaboration on the genealogy of the U. I initiate the final section of this essay with two points of departure, in the hope of fostering a conceptualization of the U. Orlando Patterson's comparative archaeology of slavery's originating vernaculars of social order, natal alienation, and property dominion in which he visits upon the slave orders of Rome, Greece, China, and medieval Europe, as well as the "racial" enactments of slavery in the Americas suggests "two ways in which social death was represented and culturally 'explained,' depending on the dominant early mode of recruiting slaves.
In the intrusive mode of representing social death the slave was ritually incorporated as the permanent enemy on the inside—the "domestic enemy," as he was known in medieval Tuscany. He did not and could not belong because he was the product of a hostile, alien culture. He stood, on the one hand, as a living affront to the local gods, an intruder in the sacred space In sharp contrast with the intrusive conception of death was the extrusive representation.
Here the dominant image of the slave was that of an insider who had fallen, one who ceased to belong and had been expelled from normal participation in the community because of a failure to meet certain minimal legal or socioeconomic norms of behavior. The destitute were included in this group, for while they perhaps had committed no overt crime their failure to survive on their own was taken as a sign of innate incompetence and divine disfavor.
To critically theorize the structuring racial vernaculars of American national formation and contemporary globality suggests a particular elaboration of Patterson's schema: By invoking Patterson's well-known theorization of slavery's unique production of societal and interpersonal domination, I do not mean to posit a simplistic metaphorical or vulgar comparative depiction that vaguely metaphorizes the historical and institutional symbiosis between the U.
Rather, I am invoking a conception of the prison regime as a particular "formation of violence,"[ 24 ] which in turn anchors the contemporary articulation of white supremacy as a global technology of coercion and hegemony.
Violence and the Body: Race, Gender, and the State
The growing autonomy of violence as a self-legitimating sphere of social discourse and transaction points to the inability of any sphere of social practice to totalize society. Violence itself both reflects and accelerates the experience of society as an incomplete project, as something to be made. The contemporary American carceral apparatus, as a material artifact and technological blueprinting of global dominance, derives its significance as a fathomable and culturally accessible production of power from the institutionalized collapsing of state violence into the multiple "incomplete projects" of U.
In this sense, the specificity and irreducibility of the U.
While I will refrain here from rehashing the typical statistical abstractions and evidentiary laundry lists of empirical data that indicate and affirm the essential racialization—and racism—of the American criminal justice apparatus heeding Angela Y. Davis' contention that "unmediated use of such statistical evidence Hence, I am insisting on the theoretical importance—if not outright primacy—of radical genealogy over conventional criminological methodology.
The emergence of the American prison industrial complex since the s has generally been addressed by academic scholars, progressive activists, and imprisoned intellectuals as a problem situated entirely within the domestic social formation of the U. Yet, even the concise definition of the prison industrial complex penned in by U.
Its twofold purpose is profit and social control. Its public rationale is the fight against crime. For them, the socioeconomic transformations of neoliberal U.
The globality of the U. In fact, a moment of radical political possibility might open through dense, locally situated, and consistently theorized articulations of the kinship of captivity that is shared by increasing numbers of people across the world who are variably touched by and for that matter implicated in the movements of American globality and its synthesis of mass-based human immobilization and acute bodily punishment. Further, a critical focal attention on and engagement with the mounting movement for social transformation through the abolition of the American prison, policing, and criminal justice systems—a struggle that has accumulated momentum and influence since the lates—might similarly echo the legacies of the lateth century U.
It is ultimately this radical accountability to the living history of American globality and its unequalled capacity for violence that calls forward the most imaginative and daring praxis. Nguyen's investigative, critical journalism offers an important intervention on a generalized vacuum of public, first-person accounts of recent anti-immigrant statecraft.
The broader critique offered in the second half of this essay addresses this tendency as a problem of both political practice and scholarly-activist framing.
American Apocalypse," in Forced Passages: Imprisoned Radical Intellectuals and the U. University of Minnesota Press, While there is a rapidly growing scholarly, journalistic, and grassroots literature addressing the intersections of white supremacy, patriarchy, misogyny, state violence, and imprisonment, the following texts have been particularly useful in the development of this essay: Davis, Are Prisons Obsolete?
Violence and the Body
Seven Stories Press, Beth Richie, Compelled to Crime: Julia Sudbury, "Celling Black Bodies: Sexual Violence and American Indian Genocide. South End Press, To ask other readers questions about Violence and the Body , please sign up. Be the first to ask a question about Violence and the Body. Lists with This Book. This book is not yet featured on Listopia.
Marija Krtolica rated it it was amazing Jul 02, Elisabeth rated it really liked it Aug 27, Allison rated it liked it Jun 25, Sarah rated it it was amazing Jan 06, Rachel rated it liked it Feb 18, Calluna rated it liked it Jan 22, Ervinos rated it liked it Oct 26, Jigglin rated it it was amazing Feb 15, Rodney Ulyate marked it as to-read Jun 05, Miriam marked it as to-read Nov 20, Mario added it May 07, Tania marked it as to-read Nov 19, Ieva marked it as to-read Dec 11, What questions would an anthropology for liberation ask, and what models would it uphold?
The purpose of this class is to explore these questions and others as we take a critical look at anthropologists' quests to shifting the the legacy of anthropology from the colonial; toward freedom and liberation. Through critical readings, we will explore anthropology's relationship to human rights, violence, questions of race, gender and sexuality, imperialism and neoliberalism, and some of the ways that some anthropologists have chosen to use their field work to turn anthropology on its head rather than reinscribe its divisive past. This course surveys Black women's experiences livingwith and confrontingstate oppressionaround the world.
From the United Statesto Brazil Black women experience similar patterns of political, social, and economic inequality. Transnationally, racism, sexism, patriarchy, homophobia,andclassism affect the quality of life of Black women, particularly within nation-states with legacies of slavery and colonialism.
This course takesan historical, social, andtheoretical look at the roots of this inequality and how Black women have chosen to respond to it locally and globally. Howhave interlocking forms of oppression affect Black women's citizenship within the modern nation-state? How have Black women, in turn, sought to organize themselves inresponse to this oppression? Key themes include racism, sexism, patriarchy, homophobia, classism, migration, and Black feminism. Repression and Resistance in a lQtn-oentury City.
Booth, Wayne C, et al. The Craft of Research guide to writing research papers selected Chapters. Interdisciplinary topics relating to Women's and Gender Studies. Check cross-listings for home departments and originating field of study. Christen Smith Associate Professor — Ph.
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