O Salutaris - No. 6 from Mass No. 11 in A major


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Requiem For Hieronymus Bosch. Symphony in D Overtures.


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  7. There was a problem filtering reviews right now. Please try again later. Audio CD Verified Purchase. Cherubini always held a strong fascination for me because his Credo canon for two four voice choirs in contrary motion is quoted in so many counterpoint books. Eventually I tracked down a copy of Cherubini's own treatise on counterpoint. Oddly enough the year old book was just as beautiful as its contents. I read in a few books on counterpoint that Cherubini's treatise on counterpoint is unusual because it is written by a man who was both a great composer and a great teacher.

    So when I saw this set of music on Amazon, I couldn't resist. It is certainly a bargain with 7 CD's. I've only listened to the first two masses two CD's so far, but if I wait till I've listened to everything I will probably forget to write a review. The first two masses didn't appeal to me on first hearing, but before moving on I decided to give them a few hearings, and by the second or third I was hooked.

    He writes beautiful music, and when he chooses to, he writes superb counterpoint. Since so many of the greatest composers wrote masses, I will always be grateful that I grew up singing the Latin mass, and I know all the texts by heart. Cherubini reminds me of what someone said about Josquin, "Other composers serve the notes, but he is their master. Cherubini's masses form a sort of transition between Mozart and Verdi, by turns achingly sorrowful and exultant, reverent and operatic.

    Muti is the great modern master of this music, and this set will offer revelations to those who don't know Cherubini, and to those who do.

    Magnificently conducted and performed Masses and Requiems by one of the greatest composers of liturgical music of all time. Beethoven and Brahms went to school on Cherubini. Alaard's exposition of Occo's devotion to the chapel of the sacrament takes on a more pointed significance in connection with the Alamire choirbook. As noted above , the Dutch text at the bottom of the first music page confirms that Occo and his heirs loaned the manuscript to the Heilige Stede for an indefinite period see Illustration 3.

    This note is undated and offers no further information. A second inscription, however, written in Latin on f. The phrase "huius sacellj qui sacer locus appellatur" "of this chapel, which is called the Heilige Stede" , moreover, could suggest a somewhat more specific circumstance: On the face of it, this information leads to an entirely logical interpretation of the book's early history.

    Occo, as master of the Heilige Stede during the s, showed himself ready and willing to commission luxury productions and decorations for the chapel, and the Alamire choirbook would be just one of many such gifts, especially suitable with its concentration of music for Corpus Christi. Although Occo almost certainly had the financial means to maintain a choir in the domestic chapel which must have existed in his home, there is no evidence that he ever took such a step, and he may have treated the nearby Heilige Stede as a suitable surrogate for a personal chapel.

    Untangling the threads of the book's supposed origins will require a closer examination of its physical characteristics and the previous dating hypotheses. A luxury music manuscript from the leading professional producer of the period, the Occo Codex bears the indications of systematic and cooperative construction by multiple craftsmen. As in practically every book associated with the early 16th-century Habsburg-Burgundian court "scriptorium," multiple scribal hands for both music and text are found in close conjunction and sometimes complicated patterns suggesting certain orders and forms of copying work e.

    Different styles of decorations range from historiated initials containing specific scenes, to more fanciful letters with grotesques and flora, to comparatively simpler monochromatic calligraphic initials examples of each are reproduced further below in Illustration 6. These shifting scribal and artistic styles, along with changes between discrete units of musical repertory a mass, a set of liturgical motets, etc.

    With the closer inspection of these multi-faceted relationships, a new understanding of the book's historical position begins to emerge. The dating of the manuscript in the modern literature hung originally upon a single, seemingly unambiguous point providing a terminus post quem: A material aspect of the choirbook's construction suggests how such an error might have arisen, through misreading of the abbreviated rubrics used as an aid in laying out and assembling the manuscript. These were clearly added at the point when the ordering of gatherings had been finalized and the book was ready to be bound, i.

    The upper margins, on the other hand, contain highly abbreviated words and phrases in light charcoal indicating textual incipits of the sections on the page, e. These rubrics are always in a light, informal and highly-abbreviated script attesting to their private use in the layout process rather than as an aspect of the choirbook's display program. The second word was perhaps another textual cue e. Regardless of the actual reading, the presence of these various aids for the assembly of the choirbook points squarely to the almost bureaucratic level of pre-planned cooperation which was necessary for its successful execution.

    That a copying error is likely in the Divitis ascription is supported further by the repertorial aspects and general physical characteristics of the book when these are brought into comparison with other Alamire sources. The major datable sources from this workshop which fall into Huys's suggested date range for Occo , for instance, are the choirbooks ordered by the Confraternity of Our Lady in 's-Hertogenbosch around Willaert, Bauldeweyn, Courtois, Richafort, and Champion are some of the newer figures, alongside standards such as Mouton and La Rue; whereas the latest works in Occo must have been pieces such as Josquin's Missa Pange lingua and the Missa Mijn herte of Gascongne, which begin appearing in sources of the s.

    The majority of composers in Occo were deceased by the time of the 's-Hertogenbosch books: On repertorial grounds, then, Occo's choirbook would sit rather uncomfortably with the datings suggested by Huys, and it would seem justifiable to look for evidence of an older genesis.

    The central element of the argument for the earlier dating of the Occo Codex in the past has been the concordance of scribal hands with other Alamire books, as laid out by Flynn Warmington. Although the specifics of the reasoning behind many of these datings remain frustratingly out of reach in the scarce published literature, these have furnished the generally accepted current dating of the Occo Codex: This is not the place for a full analysis of Warmington's results - a subject which necessarily extends to encompass all of Alamire's book productions - but her arguments regarding the Occo Codex must be examined in closer detail, as they impinge ultimately upon the matter of the choirbook's original destination and ritual context.

    Warmington distinguishes four music hands present in the manuscript, identified as her scribes C2, D, I, and a proofreader possibly Alamire. The "odd man out" in Warmington's analysis of the manuscript is hand C2, which copied the three Easter Kyrie settings beginning on f.

    This section was supposedly written around five years earlier than the rest of the choirbook, and presumably incorporated after the commission from Occo. There are reasons to be wary of this suggestion. Most compelling is the physical integration of C2's section with that which follows it in hand I. Gathering 17 runs from ff. Certainly no physical evidence suggests in any way that the outer bifolium of Gathering 18 was prepared at a different time than the inner leaves.

    The title itself of the C2 section on f. This is precisely how ff. The nature of the evidence for the temporal division in the choirbook's creation, therefore, demands closer scrutiny. Since the paleographical data support a conflicting interpretation - that hands C2 and I worked in close proximity to create the Missa paschalis unit in the manuscript - the basis of Warmington's scribal datings must be examined.

    Hands C2 and D both fall into the group which Warmington finds in manuscripts up to about , whereas I is considered to be later. Hand D is likewise dated on the basis of text hand X, appearing supposedly around ; of Warmington's two examples of D appearing after around , one is the Occo Codex itself and the other is a self-contained parchment section of the paper book MontsM , a manuscript which in any case has no external clues as to its dating.

    Lastly, hand I is simply identified as active after without further explanation - although it is now apparent that this hypothesis must be the entire basis for dating the Occo Codex's completion to The threat of circularity looms large in this dating method, and Herbert Kellman's call for caution in accepting these datings while the basic data remains largely unpublished and unscrutinized is well taken.

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    At the point, however, at which manuscripts without such identifiers are assigned dates and then used as the basis for dating further books, the cart has been placed before the horse. Particularly troubling is the setting of fixed termini for certain scribal hands based on the observation that they do not appear in manuscripts before or after a certain year, when the majority by far of Alamire's productions cannot be dated even to a span of less than ten years.

    The workings of this procedure with the scripts in the Occo Codex can be observed with the data compiled in Table 4a and Table 4b. The discrepancy in number of sources between the two tables is immediately apparent: For those which do offer fixed terminal points Table 4b , these are usually wider than the hypothesized dates in the literature, which are often based on speculative connections to historical events e.

    Masses, P. 77, F major. Selections

    Scribal concordances of main music hands in the Occo Codex The resulting observations change the received picture of Occo's choirbook. Hand I, on the other hand, appears in only a single book with a fairly firm terminal date, MunBS 34 which must be from or later if the cross after the name "Josquin des pres" on f. In the end, the picture of this hand's copying period remains vague, and is based in fact on extremely few sources.

    Despite the neatness of Warmington's division into two scribal groups roughly before and after , there is in the end no reason to conclude that hand I cannot appear on both sides of this artificial dividing line. The boundaries between the working periods of the different hands cannot be distinguished nearly as strictly as Warmington has done in certain cases, and particularly hands C2 and I can have overlapped even if the assumption that C2 was inactive after is correct.

    Given the material evidence of their connection in the 18th gathering of Occo, this overlap is indeed likely. With these revised parameters for dating the hands in the Occo Codex, the different types of paleographical data agree well with each other without a hypothetical half-decade break in the manuscript's copying. The years between and provide a suitable period when all three hands could have coincided over a relatively contained timespan, and most probably in the years between and , which fits Warmington's hypotheses concerning the development of text hand X and its coincidence with music hands C2 and D.

    This suggestion draws support from the indications of formal construction in the choirbook with a particular plan carried out in a consistent way, e. An extremely close level of cooperation was not necessary: The overall impression, however, remains consistent: This revised dating for the Occo Codex, placing not just one section but the entire book probably around , holds significant implications for the circumstances of its commissioning.

    For it is during these years that Pompeius Occo was warden of the Heilige Stede, the chapel devoted specifically to the veneration of the Sacrament see above , i. The book was not, then, created c.

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    Instead, the manuscript represents one of the many material elements in the Frisian banker's connection to the devotion of the Sacrament, especially as practiced in the celebrated chapel down the street from his Amsterdam house. The hint in the Latin inscription of f. The seemingly superfluous Dutch inscription on f.

    If Occo kept no polyphonic chapel choir in his own household, as surmised above, then one of the local institutions would have been his only recourse for putting the book to practical use and on public display; and none would have been more suitable, given the contents of the manuscript, than the Heilige Stede. Had Occo instituted services at the chapel for the performance of the Requiem in his memory in addition to other masses, such as found combined within this codex? This interpretation connects the choirbook with the Sacrament chapel for essentially the entirety of its "active" period in the 16th century.

    When its repertory was too outdated for continued performance, and Pompeius Occo's heirs no longer maintained close connections to the Heilige Stede, the manuscript reverted back to the family, with whom it remained until its auction in the s - ultimately saving it from the fate of so many other choirbooks left as scrap and eventually destroyed after they had outlived their usefulness. As noted above in connection with the dating of the Occo Codex, a repertorial picture of the manuscript sits easily with the other productions of Alamire, particularly those likely to date from the s.

    The Mass Ordinary settings in the book overwhelmingly rely on imitation as the main contrapuntal structuring principle and in many cases embody the most recent trends of these years, as in Josquin's four-voice imitative reworkings of the Pange lingua plainchant and Gascongne's adaptations of the full contrapuntal structures of his polyphonic model Mijn herte.

    Almost all of the music in Occo can also be found in other sources from the court complex and their probable successors such as ToleF 23 49 , and a number of these compositions are preserved today solely in Alamire books. As Kellman has noted, the lack of French court choirbooks of the early 16th century makes the Alamire manuscripts a vital source for this repertory. Exceptions in Occo to the typical patterns of Alamire sources do exist, however, and it is intriguing that these are concentrated at the beginning of the manuscript.

    Barra's Missa de venerabili sacramento Ecce panis angelorum is preserved in no other Alamire book, and the same holds true for six of the seven briefer works in the first gathering of which five have not been traced in any other source at all. This is no accidental circumstance: The numerous short polyphonic settings of the text O salutaris hostia preserved in the first gathering have served in the past to draw attention to the source's emphasis on the feast of Corpus Christi. It remains noteworthy, however, that these compositions are tied to a particular devotional tradition which, unlike the rest of the book's contents, existed on the fringes of the standard liturgical framework, rapidly gaining popularity at the period when the manuscript was created.

    The four lines of O salutaris hostia form the fifth stanza of Thomas Aquinas's hymn Verbum supernum prodiens , calling upon the Host to bring aid in a time of war. This theme certainly must have resonated with many of Europe's magnates as well as the body of the faithful, for this stanza was extracted from the hymn for performance during the Elevation of the Host at mass just before the Benedictus a strictly extra-liturgical action in numerous court and church foundations of the early 16th century.

    In France the practice was instituted in by the Duke of Lorraine at two collegiate churches Saint-Laurent in Joinville and Saint-Georges in Nancy within a span of two months, where the text was to be sung by two kneeling boys holding torches; 51 while at Langres in the text was established for use at the weekly Mass of the Sacrament. Stopped in , it was reintroduced in specifically "pro pace et unione principium et huius regni," and in King Francis I himself offered money to ensure performance during the magna missa at Notre Dame.

    Although declined by the canons at that point, the practice had been reintroduced yet again for regular usage some time before the 17th century. The existence of Weerbeke's Milanese Ave regina celorum by - in which the O salutaris hostia text, as the second half of a motet substituting for the Sanctus, occupies precisely the position specified in the foundations - suggests a yet wider geographical span, raising questions about the position of the Milanese style and liturgy in affecting later northern practices. The rather homophonic anonymous O salutaris hostia on ff. Likewise, every phrase of the extraordinary 5-voice setting begins with several breves or longae in all voices.

    The settings of this text selected and extracted from longer works for the Occo Codex in fact all bear noticeable elements of an unusually simple style of writing, characterized in its extreme form as a "devotional style" associated with solemn liturgical actions.

    Waldteufel, Emil | O salutaris. | Music Manuscripts Online | The Morgan Library & Museum

    That this type of setting was chosen for Occo's manuscript or even newly created by re-texting another devotional work, as possibly occurred with the last anonymous setting is unsurprising in the wider context of public devotions to the Sacrament, such as the processions in which the wonder-working host was brought out from the Heilige Stede. The other two works in the first gathering, decidedly more intricate compositions in a style which brings to mind Isaac especially, connect to various points in the Corpus Christi celebrations.

    The famous Tantum ergo text, extracted from the longer hymn Pange lingua much as O salutaris was extracted from Verbum supernum , points again to the performance of the Occo Codex setting in a liturgically non-specific position, or at least in a newly specified function such as during processions. Cibavit eos remains the only item in the first gathering with a fixed and traditional liturgical position, as the Introit of the Mass of the Sacrament; the responsory form including Psalm verse and doxology included in the setting indicate unambiguously that this was the intended use of the work's copy as preserved in the Occo Codex, even though all other Proper items are lacking here.

    Interestingly, both of the two Mass Ordinary cycles which follow upon this first gathering contain melodic links back to the opening works through their incorporation of plainchant materials: Josquin's Missa Pange lingua is based upon the same melody as Tantum ergo, while Barra's Missa Ecce panis makes specific reference to the Elevation tradition discussed above, by incorporating O salutaris hostia as an extra cantus firmus during its single Osanna.

    As noted above, this tight emphasis on devotion to the Sacrament within a deluxe presentation manuscript is unusual. The only comparable cases within Alamire choirbooks provide only indirect analogies: MunBS 34 , containing solely settings of the Salve regina , was appropriate for year-round Marian Salve services, and JenaU 20 's exclusive focus on Magnificat settings connects it generically to Vespers celebrations. In the case of the Occo Codex, of course, the focus on Corpus Christi is readily explained with reference to the personal devotions and institutional connections of its Frisian patron; but a large portion of the manuscript's music remains outside this context.

    The Paschal compositions on fols. The extracting of sections of longer compositions in the first layer of the Occo Codex e. The more usual direction of modification, however, is the removal of musical material. A number of the mass settings throughout the book - copied incidentally in all but one case by hand I - are lacking complete sections within longer movements, with only a few instances of replacement material drawn from different settings see Table 6. As has been noted in the past, the version of Josquin's Missa Pange lingua in the Occo Codex is "spurious," with one two-voice section missing entirely Agnus II and two of the others replaced by sections from unrelated compositions.

    More unusual is the replacement of the Pleni sunt and Benedictus , an act which Jaap van Benthem suggests was directly related to the soloistic demands of Josquin's sections. The physical evidence indicates that in the case of Josquin's mass at least, the absent Agnus II was originally intended for inclusion when the bifolia of its gatherings were set up for copying.

    As noted above , the upper edges of many pages in the manuscript display partially trimmed rubrics matching the music sections contained on those pages. The single instance where such a rubric does not match its page contents occurs at the end of the Missa Pange lingua on f. Combined with the fact that this page comes at the end of an unusually short gathering 6 leaves instead of the 8 which are standard in this manuscript , a hypothetical plan of copying becomes clear. The copyists at first laid out the blank bifolia in a standard pattern according to an exemplar in which the mass filled a full two quaternions, the Agnus II coming on the penultimate opening.

    Given that Agnus I is not a particularly extended section some blank space remains on its opening, ff. In the end, either Agnus II was forgotten perhaps due to an oversight in changing the now-trimmed rubrics or else it was deemed impossible to fit it onto the same pages as Agnus I: What the example of Josquin's mass and the copying rubrics demonstrates quite neatly is the extent to which the copying process was formalized and probably handled by multiple semi-independent craftsmen, something which is surely related to the irregularities occasionally encountered.

    There is, however, no single explanation for the transmission peculiarities in Occo's manuscript. In some cases, as just described, it must have been a result of the communal constructive process, a sort of standardized procedure which encountered difficulties in dealing with exceptional situations when they arose during copying. Other times there were deliberate musical reasons for making modifications, or a desire to create a specific type of collection with whatever materials could be found at hand.

    An overall evaluation of the choirbook's treatment of its source materials may thus need to recognize that a surprising amount of music in the book is handled in a licentious manner. But this is hardly a fair judgment in the wider historical picture: Alamire and his colleagues were unabashed in this instance about modifying music to fit different conditions.

    In the present manuscript, we know that there were in fact particular circumstances impinging upon the choices of music and how it was to be handled: In the final analysis, it would be a disservice to Pompeius Occo's choirbook to interpret it as a generic musical miscellany, however costly and luxuriously produced. The personal aspects of the commission go well beyond the typical incorporation of coats of arms and mottos into several illuminated initials. A concentration of unusual compositions at the opening of the book - including every one of the five pieces unique to this manuscript - highlights unmistakably the devotional focus on the Sacrament which runs throughout the first sections.

    Mass in D (Peters, William Cumming)

    That Occo was churchwarden at a chapel with precisely this same dedication, at the time when according to the paleographical evidence the book was most likely created, is hardly coincidental. Although Huys's late dating of the choirbook on the basis of its Divitis ascription now seems decidedly unlikely, the cultural-historical context of the Heilige Stede and the Miracle of Amsterdam which he set out for the manuscript remains crucial for interpreting its origins and early history.

    This was no mere liturgy book but a semi-public devotional item, reflecting the interests cultivated by one patron during his ascent among the elite of his adopted city. At the same time, there is little sense in viewing the book as a highly personal item. Its material characteristics, format and dimension, point unquestionably to institutional usage, precisely as specified in the one explicit testimony to the intentions of Occo and his family for the manuscript: In this sense the heraldry and ownership inscriptions in the book take on a different light; Occo and his wife and heirs can be understood as "donors" of the choirbook, much as patrons are depicted in the wings in so many altarpieces given to churches.

    One can only wonder to what extent the banker, or the singers of the Heilige Stede, had a say in deciding the repertory which filled most of the manuscript, and whether the entire book was related to one or more endowments made by Occo for his perpetual memory and the quickening of his journey through Purgatory. It would have been a smart calculation in the conjoined businesses of eternal salvation and everlasting secular glory.

    O Salutaris - No. 6 from Mass No. 11 in A major O Salutaris - No. 6 from Mass No. 11 in A major
    O Salutaris - No. 6 from Mass No. 11 in A major O Salutaris - No. 6 from Mass No. 11 in A major
    O Salutaris - No. 6 from Mass No. 11 in A major O Salutaris - No. 6 from Mass No. 11 in A major
    O Salutaris - No. 6 from Mass No. 11 in A major O Salutaris - No. 6 from Mass No. 11 in A major
    O Salutaris - No. 6 from Mass No. 11 in A major O Salutaris - No. 6 from Mass No. 11 in A major
    O Salutaris - No. 6 from Mass No. 11 in A major O Salutaris - No. 6 from Mass No. 11 in A major
    O Salutaris - No. 6 from Mass No. 11 in A major O Salutaris - No. 6 from Mass No. 11 in A major
    O Salutaris - No. 6 from Mass No. 11 in A major O Salutaris - No. 6 from Mass No. 11 in A major

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