The new conception thus resulted in a hierarchical presentation of now three periods of history , , , which were categorized under the catchwords Buchenwald I, II, and III during consultations. In this, one can make out a general trend of commemorative activities related to National Socialism: In the follow-up report, which the commission had formulated subsequent to the repeated hearing of the persons concerned on the 14th of February , the commission tried to take the various interests into account.
The revealed burial-places were essentially to be preserved in their form as woodland graveyards and a place of mourning was to be erected additionally. Besides this conceptual decision the commission recommended a legal step: These recommendations were met with approval by all parties represented in the Federal State Parliament of Thuringia on the 17th of September and were thus politically authorized.
Although the institutional transformation of the Memorial was largely settled administratively by this political decision, the controversies regarding the contents of the facility continued. One of the reasons for this was that formal claims rather than claims as to the contents were made regarding the reshaping, not only because the past of both camps still was to be investigated in full.
At the same time, however, an intense demand for acting existed especially for the exhibition about the Concentration Camp, since the date, the changes had to be finished, was already set by the 50th anniversary of the liberation in April This is, in our opinion, an example of how political controversies about history can develop an internal logic of commemorative culture here: Within the now detached comparative perspective of the two German dictatorships, the conflict accumulated in an argument about the Communist functional prisoners.
Their role was conveyed by document findings in the SED-archive, in the course of corresponding researches for the revision of the exposition, which goes back to the time of the GDR. The corresponding findings remained controversial, but led to the resignation of a managing director of the Memorial, who had held office in the meantime. As a cause of the ongoing problems he named the impediment by employees, which had been members of the SED.
In the election year of the discussion about personnel was issue of a press campaign, particularly urged on by a tabloid newspaper in Thuringia BILD-Zeitung , in which the dismissal of former SED-members was demanded. Supposedly they had been working for the State Security and were now obstacles to a truthful working out of the past. A board of curators, consisting most of all of historians, manages the conception of the institution. These advisory boards were established in July of and the Cultural Scientist Volkhard Knigge was appointed as the new managing director of the Memorial and the Foundation.
At the same time the only East-German member of the board of curators had to resign due to his proven former activity for the Ministry of State Security. Simultaneously a first edition with excerpts of the documents relevant for the argument was published Niethammer Although the evaluation of the findings was controversial, this publication enabled a review of the statements, which were to manifest themselves in the exhibition.
With the opening of the new permanent exhibition about the history of the Concentration Camp — on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the liberation in April — the commemoration of the Special Camp moved into the center of interest. In June of the construction of the exhibition building had started, according to a plan a price had been awarded to by a jury. This triggered a controversy because, according to Knigge, the design contained elements that lean upon the design of Holocaust Memorials.
In his opinion this could have been understood as an attempt to relativize the separation of commemoration by aesthetical means. The participatory rights of the persons concerned were not heeded with reference to a possible endangering of the fundamental decision. Had the construction been implemented as intended, the fundamental decision to differentiate commemoration would have been neutralized by the equivalence established through the architecture. The victims of the Special Camp and the sciential representatives of totalitarianism theory tried to instrumentalize the discussions for a revision of the fundamental decisions made for Buchenwald.
Only the legitimacy of the decision-making procedure could be set against this politico-moral rating. Although the institutional transformation regarding the contents of the Buchenwald Memorial is for the most part completed and can be considered a success from a sciential and museum-didactical perspective , the controversy on the grounds of politics of memory continues.
Mission Impossible — has the redesign therefore failed? The development could be just as well understood as the actual intended result of the chosen institutional arrangement: This, however, did not settle the conflict, resulting out of the competition of commemorative claims, but regulated it at least. The symbolical significance of the historic site now exactly infers from the reflection about the various connotations, to which the memories there realized refer. Indeed, this differentiation of commemoration turns out to be an insult to the victim-groups concerned.
A de-ideologization of commemorative cultures instead of a de-historization and de-concretization of historical events can be stated, as the heterogeneity of the historical information relevant is not preserved in a homogeneous picture of history, which could be ritually received or ritually consummated there. We have presented an example of an intervention in interpretational conflicts related to the past, which in our opinion was not awkward and rather wise.
It can furthermore illustrate the, at times quite turbulent, process of politics of memory. In other policy areas a parallelism of three streams can be stated, according to the so-called Garbage-Can-Model as 1 problem accumulation and articulation, 2 the relevant policy community, including political advocates, mediators and entrepreneurs, and as 3 political increase for instance concerning elections. These parallel streams run corresponding to each other and make decisions possible at certain intersections windows of opportunities.
Here also an analogous process has taken place, having, of course, two characteristic aspects, which could be interpreted as defects and re-actualized in a conflictual manner: The East-West-disparity could turn out as the second deficiency. The redesign of Buchenwald has shown very precisely that the East-West-dimension has now always to be taken into consideration in regard to the past. Up to now this dimension has not permitted a mutual perception or a unanimous problem awareness. In connection to this, overall transformations of politics of memory are imaginable, surpassing the German special case.
These transformations can only be listed here in keywords:. In regard to the Concentration Camp Buchenwald, first of all, the effect of the gradual, biologically determined cessation of the immediate memory of contemporaries becomes obvious. They have played a major role in the founding as well as the legend of the GDR-memorial. But what will change, when the last survivors — victims and silent accomplices as well as perpetrators — have died and the immediate existential dimension of memory, established through experiencing and being affected, is thus thrust to the background.
This has always been the claim of historiography and Historical Science striving for objectivity, whose methodological distance excelled the claim of oral reporting for authenticity. Their digitalization has enlarged the funds immensely and allows to have them at disposal independent of time or place, whereby rigid and vivid pictures play a more important, and at the same time more controversial role cf. Presentational formats of popular culture become more significant as well, including fictional and collaged elements.
Connected to this is thirdly a transnationalization of commemoration, parallel to the globalization of economy, culture and politics, therefore a commemoration, which orients itself on the by far most excellent memorials worldwide. Fourthly, as the example of Buchenwald should have shown adequately, the opportunity for an all-round instrumentalization of memory for political objectives related to the present as well as a certain degree of nationalization of commemorative rituals is given.
This raises the difficult question of what lessons are to be drawn from the past with all seriousness anew. Wahlperiode des Deutschen Bundestages , Bd. Politik mit der Erinnerung. Politische Kultur in Ost- und Westdeutschland. Geschichtspolitik in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Der Weg zur bundesrepublikanischen Erinnerung Au contraire des anciennes technologies, les nouvelles machines remplacent la fonction de conserver par des transmissions rapides. Nous ne stockons plus des choses mais des relations.
Faut-il repenser le capitalisme? A quoi bon les entasser? Certes, mais la main y gagna de nouvelles performances: Du coup, mieux vaut dire: Ce long raisonnement se reconduit, invariant, pour les autres fonctions cognitives. Cette instance, juge ou chef, la philosophie la nomme: Etrange pouvoir du corps humain de se transformer pour parties en objets! In deutscher Sprache erschienen u. Der Thesaurus der exakten Wissenschaften, Frankfurt a. Why does the black book of Nazism remain, in the consciousness of so many of those preoccupied by the history of the twentieth century, blacker than than the black book of Communism?
And what does that difference in intensity say about the two sorts of historical memory? The premise, of course, is contestable from the outset. Many historical commentators would deny that the memory of Nazi crimes has and will retain a more compelling horror, a more enduring traumatic quality than the memory of even Stalinist crimes. Many East Europeans who experienced Communism would argue that any such prioritizing of traumatic memory is in effect the peculiar perspective of Western intellectuals, some of whom were marxissant for decades, and some of whom frequently the same were Jews and thus brought a sense of personal vulnerability that made the Holocaust a more vivid menace.
Nonetheless, I believe it correct to argue that the memory of Nazi crimes has not faded, but that of Communist crimes has. Nonetheless, for all the literary talent, the authenticity of testimony, the revelations of fanatical ideas and secretive paranoia, and the unmatched body counts, horror abates and memory becomes dispassionate. I have tried to suggest the quality of this difference by using the terms hot memory and cold memory.
To borrow a metaphor from nuclear physics, between a traumatic collective memory with a long half life — a plutonium of history that fouls the landscape with its destructive radiation for centuries — and the much less perduring fall-out from, say, the isotope tritium, which dissipates relatively quickly. This paper is not an argument about which experience was more atrocious, but about which has remained engraved in memory — historical, personal — more indelibly.
Let me admit from the outset that this is a very partial discussion. The memory of totalitarianism in the West is only part of a world-wide history of atrocities. The challenges to working through collective memory in Argentina and Brazil, Chile, Guatemala and South Africa are also daunting; in China and Cambodia they have hardly started.
Forster, and Chinue Achebe, and against those authors suspended between worlds: Naipualu or Solomon Rushdie. Our memory of fascism and communism is thus a very partial recollection of griefs. Of course, there are compelling reasons one could propose at the outset for the hot memory of Nazism versus the cold memory of Communism.
The National Socialist regime had to be overthrown by a terrible war, which it pressed upon Europe. Hence they they survived to pass into the milder phase that Vaclav Havel termed post-totalitarianism. Such transitions raise moral problems for domestic and foreign opponents: When, moreover, does a transition from reliance on force to the manipulation of civil society indicate a confidence that control can be maintained, and when does it suggest that control and consensus is actually weakening?
No matter how these questions are answered — and they must be answered individually for each regime, and each period — any such party-state that enters a phase of post-totalitarianism will leave a far muddier historical legacy than one that goes down in flames. For one thing those administering the old regime have often lost faith; they have an interest in making their own deals and passing over the historical divide without being swept away.
To be sure, careful histories continue to reveal the cruelty of Communist control. In France denunciations of Communist crimes have erupted like giant solar flares every twenty years or so to horrify the non-Communist Left and not just conservative circles: Still, after a year or two of hothouse debate and outrage, the denunciations seem to lose their force. It is not that the public does not know the facts; it is that the moral outrage cools and the Stalinist past receeds despite the poignant memoirs of victims, the undoubted literary monuments, and the hectoring of neoconservatives and old liberals.
Outside of Eastern Europe, I fear, we must really blow on the embers of the Gulag to revive the appropriate fear and loathing. In contrast, the Holocaust has only grown more and more significant a constitutent of Western collective memory. We debate Holocaust memorials and museums, but rarely monuments to the victims of Stalinism. Pilgrims and tourists visit Auschwitz and Dachau, but not Vorkuta or Katyn. Professors can still put up pictures of Marx and Engels and Lenin or Mao in their offices, but not Hitler or Himmler, not even as expressions of post-modern irony.
For a few years after the transformations of l, indignation remained strong. The continuing revelations of Stasi complicity, the Czech lustration procedures, and early electoral contests seemed likely to preserve the memories of communism as a vivid moral force. But these sources of outrage have also weakened. It is hard to believe that any significant current of European opinion would censure Germany if someday a coalition including the PDS came to power. The Communist past has been remarkably unburdensome; it lingers with an incredible lightness of being. Let us look more closely at which memories are hot and which cold.
The issue is not that of fascist memory in general, but of the memory of National Socialism, even though there is a large degree of overlap and it is sometimes justifiable to talk of German fascism. But other fascist experiences have not aroused the same degree of revulsion, even if any attempted replay would lead to public demonstrations and clashes. To a degree the reasons are the same as in the case of communist regimes. Franco lived long enough after exiling, jailing, and executing his opponents to enjoy American aid in return for air bases and to restore the monarchy.
By the end of the ls, Italian Fascism seemed to have shed its earlier violence: In , the attempt by the Christian Democratic premier designate to include the MSI in his coalition led to massive street demonstrations on the part of the Left and had to be abandoned. The inclusion of the Alleanza Nazionale in a rightwing coalition after the next elections will presumably lead to no more than a few tepid and politically perfunctory parades.
The historical memory of fascism no longer mobilizes. The memory of National Socialism is different. Perhaps, though, it is not even the collective memory of Nazism that is at stake, but just the Holocaust, or the Holocaust and the camps. This has to be a very subjective reading of the evidence: But the further question still remains, why the Gulag Archipelago does not have the same visceral impact. Consider some possible explanations.
Can the differential outcome not be attributed to successful identity politics? If we want to account for the difference between the memory of Nazism and the memory of Communism, two approaches are possible. One focuses on those who do the remembering, the other on what is being remembered. Modern historical memory is never universal. The communities of memory for those who suffered at the hands of Nazism are not the same as those who suffered at the hands of Communism.
Jews and non-Jews shared different fates. It is not that communities of memory cannot possess empathy for the victims in other communities. Often, that empathy has been slow and belated, indeed often just an intellectual acknowledgment rather than authentic sharing. The communities of Nazi memory may have certain material advantages over the communities of Communist memory. After all, there may be incentives that keep the community of Nazi memory in being.
The German government has provided reparations for many years now: Sites of commemoration have been established — in Germany, in Israel, in Washington D. The Berlin memorial has been endlessly debated, visited in anticipation, as it were, over ans over. In short a whole network of commemorative, lieux de memoire , help to sustain the community of Nazi memory.
If we adopt the views of those critical of this community — most recently and blatantly Norman Finkelstein, but other voices, too, that occasionally find an outlet in Switzerland, Austria, and elsewhere — it is, in fact, the incentives provided that nurture a very self-interested group of memorialists, the so-called Holocaust industry.
Indeed a museum of tolerance is slated to be constructed out of the Idaho Headquarters of the American Nazi wannabees: To date, we have no equivalent incentives provided to the memorialists of Communism. Moreover, there has been no authority prepared to provide reparations; but how could they? I do not think that former prisoners or families of those imprisoned have been given claims against the successor regimes. Still, I do not think it is the differing incentive structure that keeps the community of Nazi memory more cohesive and active than the community of communist memory.
And it is not the sociology of these communities that makes the difference — at least it is not the social structure directly. They did not organize their own victimhood. It is the nature of the ideology and regime that creates the group. The Holocaust was not just ethnic cleansing, not just the mindless moving of Crimean Tatars to the interior, not even the starvation of much of Ukraine. Therein, I believe, lies much of the reason for hot versus cold memory. Call Nazi violence and genocidal policies targetted terror in contrast with the stochastic terror of Stalinism.
The latter was stochastic terror because it was predictable in the aggregate but not for individuals; no one might foresee who next would be discovered as a wrecker or a conspirator. Targetted terror in the case of the former because it struck its victims according to their discernable qualities: There are societies where targetted terror focuses on religious and communal loyalties, as in Ulster or in India, on allegedly ethnic differences, as in Rwanda, and still other societies where it rages along political and class-determined lines, as in South and Central America.
In some situations targetted and stochastic terror rage side by side. The Khmer Rouge murdered all the Vietnamese they could inside Cambodia and struck at a vast, but indeterminate number of Cambodians. But it is targetted terror, I would submit, that bequeathes hot memory. There is finally a further reason I believe that operates to keep warm the memory of Nazism and genocide.
It is that of complicity. Very few of us are perpetrators, and we cannot envisage ourselves as perpetrators. But most thoughtful Europeans, and Americans, too, can imagine themselves as bystanders. Bystanding, after all, has been one of the major historical roles of the 20th century — explored, however, in few systematic histories. Of course, complicity is a theme in the history of Communist systems. Again Havel provides the pointed allegory of the shopkeeper who toes the line by putting a party slogan in his window.
But by the period of so-called post-totalitarianism that sort of complicity no longer cost victims their lives. And in an earlier decade, the Soviet citizen could not know who was to be arrested next. Terror struck stochastically, without apparent cause. Nazism, however, made clear who would be removed, deported, and made to disappear.
The Nazi past, and other genocidal pasts make everyone ask, how would I have behaved. The question that recurs in our Holocaust museums, our concentration camp visits, our contemplation of the little railroad spur at the Gruenewald Bahnhof, is not: Would I have been a Nazi, or in Rwanda a machete wielder, or in Bosnia a member of a killing squad? It is this almost universal question that the memory of Nazism prompts, and this question that makes our historical memory less so persistent than so infintely renewable. Every generation can use the Nazi experience to ask itself this question, Hot memory is memory that engages so many of us — not because we are evil, but because our courage or saintliness is limited.
The Communist past involved less painful soul-searching. Generally the former communists really felt no less certainty about their new position: But the centrality of antisemitism — although this came slowly — did finally lead to a significant degree of what for lack of a more precise term I will call shame. Havel speaks perceptively about those living under Communism, who did not speak truth to power. They helped a system stay in being; but they did not have the impression of having helped it liquidate innocent people.
Silence was different under Nazism: Shame has become a powerful concept in considering the aftermath of atrocity. A new legal literature seeks to use the concept as an alternative to assigning guilt in achieving restorative justice. What consequences should bystanding incur? Shame involves a very personal sense of having committed an offense, not just abstract but against a person, a neighbor, family member — of betrayal.
But it will not often come to the first generation. In the immediate aftermath of a discredited regime, those who were passive have often resented the moral claims of those who resisted or went into exile. Over time shame grows. Serbs and Hutu alike now resist confronting their targetted terrorism, but we can hope that gradually the admittedly painful reassessment will begin. But shame is troubling. Nazi memory in Germany has, I believe, come to construct itself centrally around the consciousness of complicity.
It has left children and grandchildren ashamed but not guilty. It is not that shame is not present in Communist systems. Shame results from a sense of betrayal — whether betrayal of God or a neighbor or a cause. The widespread sense of complicity that collaboration with Stasi left could not but contribute to shame. But it has left its sense of complicity among those who actually collaborated.
After all, they lived under the regime, were tested, and remained uncorrupted. It is paradoxical, but the system that still seems more evil to many of us, which few of us feel we would have rallied to, is actually the one the memory of which existentially tests us through history. Communism has asked its bystanders less painful a question. They have had less shame to live with, provided that they did not enter into an unholy bargain with the agencies of internal security.
At the end, I fear, I have offered less comparative history than a very speculative hypothesis that wanders from the discipline of history into psychology and moral enquiry. Perhaps my paper can be construed as a contribution to just such an exercise. For the sake of this inquiry, please excuse me from laboring the scholarly distinctions between history and memory.
Das System der deutschen Konzentrationslager 13th ed. Living outside the Gates of Mauthausen New York, See also Raoul Hilberg, Perpetrators victims bystanders: Vaclav Havel [ 1 ]. It is a fitting metaphor for the countries of Central Europe, embarking on a transition towards a democratic future while looking backwards to their past. Any new political order after a dictatorship is confronted with crucial choices concerning the legacy of the old. Should it settle accounts with the representatives of the old regime rather than facing up first of all to the tasks of the future.
Is retroactive justice a threat to the rule of law and to political stability? Or is a clear break with the institutions and personnel associated with the past regime a pre-condition for a successful consolidation of democracy. All these arguments about transitional justice have been a prominent feature of intellectual and political debate of the past decade in Central and Eastern Europe.
It raises important political, legal and ethical issues of broader significance that each country handled in its own way. Indeed, one of the striking features of decommunization in Central and Eastern Europe is the great diversity of approaches, of means chosen and of timing from one country to another.
It also drew considerable attention outside its borders, owing at least in part, to the new international context which has witnessed the emergence, on one hand, of the experiences with Truth and Reconciliation Commission as in South Africa and, on the other hand, of the International War Crimes Tribunal for former Yugoslavia. Was communism only an unpleasant parenthesis in the historical development of the region or have its more than forty years rule deeper roots and deeper legacies? Was it just inflicted from outside and from above on reluctant societies or has their adaptability to the system left an imprint which will not easily wash away with rhetorical or judicial excommunications?
Reclaiming the pre-communist past has its own traps. Furthermore how to come to terms with the communist past in historiography itself? The Czech case is of particular interest in both respects and it presents a double paradox: Nowhere in post-Soviet East-Central Europe has decommunization both legal and rhetorical gone further than in Czechoslovakia and later in the Czech Republic.
Yet it is also the only country in the region which harbours on the political scene an unreconstructed Communist Party which, unlike its counter-parts in neighbouring countries, has not bothered to change its name, claims proudly a continuity with the achievements of the pre past and enjoys fairly consistent support in part of Czech society.
Nowhere in the region, in the two decades preceding the collapse of the old regime, has historiography been subjected to such a thorough purge[ 4 ]. Yet it is also the country that, until recently, carefully avoided a wide-ranging historical debate about the specific place of communism in contemporary Czech history and politics. Both issues are clearly connected and briefly analyzed here. In dealing with the legacies of communist dictatorship the transition to democracy in Central Europe was soon confronted with the issue of what to do with the perpetrators of repression and human rights violations before and to what extent and how to compensate the victims.
According to estimates for Czechoslovakia about a quarter million people were at one point or another imprisoned on political grounds and people were sentenced to death. These policies drew criticism inside the country and abroad. So why did the Czechs in East Germany the process was clearly linked to reunification and was largely driven from West Germany push decommunization further and sooner than their neighbours?
Several explanations can be suggested. It is quite clear that exiting from communism in Czechoslovakia after twenty years under the hard-line regime of Gustav Husak, was rather different than leaving behind the benign authoritarianism of Janos Kadar in Hungary. The second explanation concerns the nature of the transition process: Clearly, in Poland and Hungary, where the transition was negotiated among moderate elites of the old system and of the democratic opposition, there was not really the option of retribution against those who took part in a negotiated settlement.
The Czech and the East German cases were in contrast marked by a more sudden and abrupt regime change, less marked by negotiations from above than by pressure from bellow and from outside. In retrospect is seems that the fast retreating representatives of the old regime were hardly in a position to negotiate immunity from prosecution. A third hypothesis concerns the inversly proportional relationship between decommunization and the degree of resistance of a society.
To put it bluntly: The Czech society the argument is even stronger for the GDR showed relatively little overt resistance to the system or support for the dissident human rights movement. Yet it backed the decommunization legislation particularly in the first three years of transition.
This third hypothesis needs to be qualified since it can lead to a somewhat simplified or indeed misleading interpretation which suggests that the dissidents, who actually suffered at the hands of the old regime, are less vindicative, less eager to seek revenge the silent majority who compensate their guilt. And they do reflect a genuine apprehension in some dissident circles about the perils of retrospective justice in post-communist Central Europe.
Secondly, the unauthorized publication of the files by a radical group of ex-dissidents without properly distinguishing among the categories of people on the record has led to wrongful accusations as exposed in the case of Zdena Salivarova-Skvorecka[ 12 ] the wife of the famous Czech writer living in Canada who devoted twenty years to the most important Czech publishing house in exile.
Most importantly, while the identities of low-level informers were abundantly documented in the police records, the same cannot be said about the officers and their superiors in charge of the police system. So you end-up exposing the small fry, but not the people who were actually running the system. A cartoon in the daily Lidove Noviny in summed it up: I was not an informer. I was only giving orders!
Two aspects, however, mitigate these reservations. Is it really so outrageous to consider that the senior government officials of a new democracy should try to avoid having too many people associated with the old secret police in their midst? The lustration process is strictly individual and the results can be appealed in courts.
The criticism of the lustration law came from international institutions such as the Council of Europe or the International Labour Organisation[ 14 ] and above all from New York human rights and media circles. Both comparisons say more about fears and fantasies concerning Central Europe as seen from New York than about the actual issues in post-communist Bohemia. The communist leaders responsible for preparing the invasion of their country followed the harshest neo-stalinist repression in post Central Europe retired quietly to their luxury villas without facing any kind of retribution.
As for the case of Jan Kavan the comparison with Dreyfus including its anti-Semitic component is simply preposterous. After and admittedly acrimonious press treatment, he appealed the verdict of the lustration commission in the courts, was vindicated, re-elected to Parliament in and became foreign minister of the Czech Republic in In an oft-quoted passage Havel refers to the shared legacies of totalitarianism: None of us was just its victim: Of course, only somebody of his stature, who had never been a communist and spent several years in prison, could then afford to make such a statement.
Independent courts should impartially consider the possible guilt of those who were responsible for the persecutions, so that the truth about our recent past may be fully revealed. So Havel the moralist and the thinker acknowledges that no amount of rhetoric or legal measures should spare the Czechs confronting the deeper issues of the traumas and responsibilities for decades of totalitarianism.
The truth, as with Havel, is more complicated than the political stereotype. The solution of the problem cannot be reached by some simple act of the state or a declaration of a public figure, scientist or artist. Neither a former communist, nor a former dissident; neither a henchman nor a moralist whose very presence on the scene is a reminder of the courage you did not have, your bad conscience.
Thus, neither Havel nor Klaus quite fit the divide on decommunization between moderates and radicals associated with their name. The prime explanation lies in the break-up of the large coalition, the Civic Forum, and the formation of competing political factions that, in the absence of a structured party political system, instrumentalize issues that favour the process of polarization of the political scene. It is in this context that a very deliberate two-prong strategy of polarization has been implemented by Vaclav Klaus and the ODS party in search of a political identity: Second, was the lustration law that proved to be a major dividing issue with the other successor to the Civic Forum, i.
He had been briefly minister of interior in Slovakia and preferred to make a more private, targeted use of the files himself. A survey carried out in Slovakia concerning the perceptions of the past indicated that population considered the communist period and the war-time period of the pro-nazi Slovak State as the two best periods in Slovak history.
Different perceptions of the Communist past in the Czech lands and Slovakia were a factor albeit not a decisive one in the dissolution of the common state. The break-up with communism and the split-up with Slovakia have overlapped at least in the minds of some of its instigators.
Decommunization became a means to legitimise a new political elite and indirectly also a new state. The law seemed at first to be largely a rhetoric and symbolic exercise. Yet it is revealing and deserves attention in several respects. First, it suspended the statute of limitations for political crimes committed between and The Office for the Documentation and Investigation of Communist Crimes UDV received a clear mandate not only to document the crimes of the communist period but also to investigate them and possibly file criminal charges.
Secondly, it introduces the idea that the political representation has as part of its mission to legislate on history. This judiciarization of history is, of course, part of a broader international post-cold war trend by which legal measures are supposed to correct the injustices of the past. In this process group of victims use the new progress made in the promotion of human rights to seek compensation as well as moral and political condemnation. Yet the question remains: And is an officially provided version helpful to an understanding of the historical process and the coming to terms with the past?
The issue is directly related to the previous one. If the search for criminal responsibility slides from the political leadership and the repressive apparatuses to membership you obviously challenge indiscriminately a substantial part of the population. Some Six million people passed through the Czechoslovak Communist Party at some point. The Party had a million and half members in Half a million were purged, lost their jobs and were otherwise harassed for their association with the Prague Spring.
They had been replaced by another half a million new more docile members some of whom became part of the new post establishment. Ironically, several prominent members of the Klaus government at the time were former members some of them very recent ones of the criminal organisation and thus concerned as co-responsible en bloc for the misdeeds of the period None of them resigned. The politics of decommunization in the Czech Republic thus point to a paradoxical conclusion. On one hand the country went further than most in attempting to legislate on the criminal nature of the old regime.
Yet none of the leading criminals were brought to account for their crimes. But a group of political leaders conspiring with a foreign power against the legal if not elected leadership of the moment in the planning and execution of the occupation of their own country, this, anywhere in the world, is surely understood as high treason. A public trial of those who were co-responsible for the occupation and for the repressive regime that followed could have provided a catharsis and answered, symbolically and politically, the formidable quest for justice in the society when the old regime collapsed.
Although that figure has since been somewhat reduced it remains the strongest Party in the country in terms of membership and organisational structure. All this is obviously related to the traumatic legacy of Its splendid isolation on the political scene after is obviously the price to pay for the scorched earth policy it has followed after Is the quest for justice synonymous with the quest for historical truth? The members of the Czech parliament seemed to make such claims.
- Pathway to Adaptability;
- Politika dekomunizace?
- The Repeating Image | Eik Kahng - tevopaleqopi.tk.
Historians should think twice. In the Czech case they have been until recently absent from the debate. It might have been partly an instinct of self-preservation after decades of historiography subjected to political norms of the moment and paying a high price for that. It might also be revealing of a more serious problem: This hopefully may be changing now. When signing the law declaring communism a criminal regime Vaclav Havel considered it had essentially a declarative purpose and expressed the hope it would close a chapter and allow the Czechs to adopt a more forward-looking attitude.
But one thing is to open police files for investigation of past crimes, another thing is to open and make good use of communist archives for the purpose of writing a new history of the period. The former unfortunately does not necessarily lead to the latter. Two important criticisms of the new official version of post-war history as presented in the law of July were made, both incidentally coming from prominent Czech exiles in Italy. The first was Jiri Pelikan the director of Czechoslovak television who questioned not only the lumping together of leaders and membership but also the lack of distinctions made in the forty years long period: The leaders associated with the Prague Spring, Dubcek, Smrkovsky Kriegel or Hajek are put in the same category with Husak, Bilak, Jakes who liquidated the democratic reforms and imposed a had-line repressive dictatorship.
Such reading of history, Pelikan argued, is utter nonsense. One kind of orthodoxy and lack of tolerance is being replaced by another. It is a sign of the uprooting of communist totalitarianism from the history of the West and moves it to a chronicle of mere crimes of the Twentieth century, it is its russification, reduced to crimes against Western civilization.
It fails to understand its deeper sources and thus misses the opportunity to really learn anything from it [ 31 ]. First, there is the assumption of the externality of totalitarianism. It is doubly external: If the cause is external there is little incentive to examine the inner sources and responsibilities. The second assumption is to present the totalitarian period en bloc. At first it was ; then with the creation in of the Center for the Documentation of the Violence against the Czech Nation the period was extended from thus including the democratic interlude of most recently the Memorial association, created at the initiative of prominent members of parliament, includes in one totalitarian period the Nazi and Communist domination of to How a democratic state in the middle of Europe threatened by a totalitarianism of the right became vulnerable in a sort of compensation to totalitarianism from the Left.
From this perspective, it is the War and the complete collapse of the old social order more than the nitty-gritty of communist tactics in February , which matters, for the understanding of the formation of the communist system. This connection between war and revolution in bringing about totalitarianism after the two World Wars had been stressed by the philosopher Jan Patocka as well by Alexander Solzhenitsyn.
Pencil and red chalk on paper, Paris. We can turn initially to the former Normandy.
Oil on canvas, Oil on canvas, Marian Casey and Mr. Shaw Haughton George L. Paul Getty s and was perhaps intended as a per- Strategies of Repetition: Plate labor of sowing. The Walters Art Museum print ig. Galerie Durand- bathing the harrower and his oxen whose parent oil washes thinned with turpentine, the s.
Still in the state of expansion of the art market in France and diferent interpretations. On the one hand, his paint surfaces disturbed many critics. Oil on condition that touches me the most in art. At a time of grow- of variants of a view of Lake Riva that he irst in red. It much darker and covered with far more of the careers of Millet and Corot reveals the as Souvenir of Riva, Cincinnati Museum of has not previously been noted that in Febru- shrubs. Perhaps the most notable aspect of position ig.
In the addresses the evening star in the distance, three aforementioned trees. The removal of seeing the original; I keep a copy of all my early s, for example, he produced four while close by a shepherd leads his lock the largest was particularly crucial, since this works in my heart and in my eyes. Corot often produced repetitions after Salon see ig. In the early s, than his more naturalistic scenes or grand an antique-style costume with a loose-itting ning Star ig.
Conservation analysis has shown that daughter, Jennie, is also said to have asked for his repetitions. The In addition to these two fully documented his stafage. The irst is a rapidly painted subtle diferences in the treatment of dawn of the central tree see ig. Their ghostlike these requests. The silhouette of the woman small-scale work, similar to the Toulouse and early morning light efects as well as the pentimenti can still be made out.
The work is in fact notably less deined than in the painting in its touches of red on the igures variation in the treatment of igures. Baltimore, Walters Art Museum.
Přepisování dějin: konečně „Historikerstreit“?
Bequest of Henry Walters, Reproduced from Catalogue des tableaux anciens et des tableaux modernes composant la collec- tion de feu M. Digital infrared Museum, is more mysterious and has Millet also produced a signiicant number 65 Burrell Collection that reproduced paint- photograph, August attracted little attention in the literature. Millet critical success at the Salon ig.
During the early tion of the lock and placement of the sheep thinner than that of the Toulouse version, as s, he began to emphasize the color in in comparison with the Salon work. Perhaps is the lighter overall atmosphere. This ver- these pastels. In translating his Shepherd- slightly smaller in scale. Both have the care- for him as his paintings; indeed, he rarely ess and Her Flock into the medium of pastel, fully outlined form of the woman, the same exhibited them during his lifetime.
Millet always sought lecks of pink paint. The similarity of compo- the renaissance of the pastel medium dur- to take advantage of the graphic qualities of sition and facture suggest that it was painted ing the s. His pastels have in fact come the pastel medium in contrast to oil paint. Yet, his replication of the adherence of the pastel. They also suggest may have used assistants to meet the grow- to gray—to suggest a variety of light efects. Rather than that it was produced by Corot in collaboration ing demand for work in his later career.
He modestly used the terms of format, light efect, and facture. Oudinot prepared a especially concerned that their works were was motivated above all by the patronage to landscape in his later work. The set- The second less well-known version ig. Collectors do not seem to have in his luminous sky. In this crepuscular scene, Millet summer of The repetition of Sheepfold, deined his composition with a web of black suggests the warmth of evening by the use Moonlight Burrell Collection , for example, chalk lines, then worked in colored pastels of a line of orange on the horizon echoed sold for 12, francs, the second-highest sale in green, yellow, and brown, and then once by lecks of the same color across the earth.
Such a pro- A few rays of light break through the clouds, pastels of the same size. In the pointing toward the head of the sower. This was commissioned by of the nineteenth century. The century saw repetitions of his Sower pastel. By May , Gavet for francs, nearly twice as much the proliferation of imagery as a result of Millet had received a commission from the as he had received for his previous variant.
Millet, The Shepherdess, Millet, Shepherdess version, with black crayon commingling ca. Pastel and Guarding Her Flock of support. Millet closely referenced the compo- Millet and Corot interacted with this new with a range of yellows, reds, greens, and crayon, Oil on sition of the Walters pastel, situating his market situation, although in rather difer- browns across the furrowed soil.
He even replicated his seem- duce prints, replicating their paintings, black crayon representing the crows are ingly spontaneous black crayon diagonal in order to disseminate their imagery to repeated in the falling seed. This version is hatch marks in his treatment of the texture wider audiences.
Millet produced many also far more extensively worked up, with of the soil. The light a lithograph ig. Millet, The Sower, Pastel on pastel on cream buff Pitts- black crayon and paper, Norman Hirschl New York There lithographic stone ig. He also added inal work. In the painting, two girls emerge densely rendered his igure while leaving the two drops of pure acid to the etched plate in from the foliage at right, while, in the inverted area of sky to the left untouched in order to order to create strong highlights on the heads lithograph, a young man, with outstretched suggest a luminous distance.
Millet created of the woman and child. Millet himself might prestigious arts album Les artistes anciens et crayon also successfully suggested the fur- reproduce all his compositions in this way. As a novice to the medium His talent is too personal not to lose some- to a wide audience. Junctaeque nymphis Gratiae tonal diference. Etching, guage in order to translate the efects of his In , Millet published an Her Child, Pitts- burgh, Carnegie Museum etching ig. Gift of Andrew the same year ig.
Original painting to the tiny etching, Millet used a lithographic stone, mediating preparatory drawing Museum canceled, As was his practice, he then of Prints and Drawings traced this onto his etching plate. An example of the former the state. Millet also repeated the theme of the butter- The wide range of repetitions produced by Dumesnil, Corot: Rapilly, churner over some three decades, culminating in an Millet and Corot navigated a course between , See Alfred Robaut, Corot Paris: There are also garde: For the extensive literature on the Sower, see in 5.
Sessanta New Haven and London: See also Griselda Pollock, Millet London: Rarely, if ever, did Absolute Bourgeois: Prince- they produce exact replicas of their own in Susan Siegfried and Adrian Rifkin, eds. Princeton University Press, , and Berkeley works. Although neither Millet nor Corot Ingres: Essays in the Historiography of a Nineteenth- and Los Angeles: University of California Press, , intended their works to be exhibited in Century Artist Oxford: Paris, —96 , 4: Parlers et traditions populaires s. Millet may also have been inspired by the igure of 8.
See, for example, The Gleaners. Jean-Baptiste- and light efects. The prominence of mod- of Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres — See founded in Cohn, and Agnes Mon- The Art of J-A. Speed Art Museum heights of Gruchy toward Cherbourg. Indiana University Press, Laget, , ig. National Gallery of Art, The work has been squared up, but the drawing Another drawing closely resembles the picture I am grateful to Ms.
Turnbull for her valuable tech- itself seems insuiciently detailed for actual use. La Presse, 15 March On the back of this drawing is a sketch for the In a letter to Millet of 29 January , Sensier The work is, however, signed in red at bottom Quarriers Toledo Museum of Art. This does not recorded the critical response to the work: Taxile Delort Pittsburgh canvas before relining. The sequence of the Sower paintings, from the Art Association, 15 November —15 January , faites de la peinture trop socialiste?
There Cardif to the Boston to the Yamanashi work, follows no. Another smaller ogy was thus presumably correct. This has been the This could have been the Griselda Pollock. Millet a-t-il would certainly be a triumph. Laurens, , 1: No underdrawing is visible in infrared relectog- been cut down at left and bottom. This work has been See Millet to Sensier, February Aut.
Thanks are due to not seem to stride with the same powerful momen- en art. Jean Woodward, conservator at the Museum of Fine tum. See Clark, The Absolute Bourgeois, 93— The painting was acquired by Sensier after the See in particular the restorations in and repos. The painting was sold by Sensier to the dealer Paul Durand-Ruel on 15 April jottings; the sense of energy in this igure probably which discoloring varnish was removed. The facial expression is also rather diferent from Millet ils was an accomplished artist in his own Whitney Sale, Drouot, 28 February , no.
Subsequently, he exhibited un emportement furieux. An x-radiograph has shown that Millet, as was lot In , Robert L. Museum of Fine Arts, ] considered the Granville] , show the sower in an expansive plain. Croquis au crayon noir. Croquis pour le tableau. See work on the picture subsequently. He also referenced Drouot, 10—11 May See his noble work. He has left us several drawings which The paint surface in enable us, step by step, to follow the development of work was exhibited. We see how stated that the Yamanashi work was shown at the Aut. See, for the igure gradually gained in breadth and vigour, Salon.
A repetition of Bathers of the Borromean Isles favorite operas. Such practice of removing compositional ele- pastels from Sensier for , francs. Of these, the Williamstown, Mass. A repetition of Les Gaulois some early sketches. Walters Art Museum, for this suggestion. Corot was same moment. Louvre from his early days as a student. See Peter ture read as follows: University Press, , There are at least three later variants of the more Munich, Neue Pinakothek , which was itself based infrared relectograms by Bruno Mottin, Compte- panel for myself for fs—Asked if he could not put Several of these works was not added at a later stage.
In September , he told his brother, Theo, Musset, the French Romantic poet, had been an of George A. The lines , 2 vols. Princeton University Press, Estampes. The catalogue indicates that Corot showed I am so completely absorbed in that igure that I will from Le saule ran: Thanks to Eric Gordon, head of paintings conser- Gogh, 3 vols. Little, Brown, and Co. Corot, une des compositions les plus technical analysis of this painting has shown that the in Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum.
Que regardes-tu dans la plaine? Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 1 April , As has previ- la copie de tous mes ouvrages. Floury, , 3: For the fourth version, see Jean The time of day represented has been the subject Antoine-Louis Barye — all used tracings. The painting was known by Lorenz Eitner suggests that Corot may have used a space on the boulevard des Italiens. Before Impressionism Washing- no.
See Robaut, studio until his death. In a letter of 15 January , had heard from Corot himself. National Gallery of Art, , Corot probably represents the opera singer Pauline Wissman has pointed out to me, however, that the This suggests that tracing Delaporte 79 estate sale. Ruines did not, in fact, take place. The work irst appeared on the art market at the Louis Art Museum.
This large-scale pastel Gavet was a major collector of Italian Renaissance son cycle familier, elle se renouvelle sans cesse et no. If the Saint Louis work had not been painted art as well as contemporary painting. The signature or perhaps only the date? De Thomas is irst mentioned in a letter to Millet Paris: If the work were a diferent kinds of colored paper support. Dieterle and Lebeau suggest that Corot painted preparatory study, one would expect the inclusion of They also suggest that the work was produce works of this scale as preparatory studies.
On 13 February, Sensier commissioned by the dealer Tedesco or perhaps the Il voudrait de played a particularly central role among dealers in wholly autograph repetitions, as we have seen, often Collection and Men Digging Boston, Museum of Fine sujet des Glaneuses. Je lui ai dit que vous choisiriez For other late collaborative reductions, see the , no. Millet, however, seems to have put tion , prepared by Georges Rodrigues. Mais Millet, on le sait, time, to have produced his irst Sower reduction—the of Gustave Courbet, who favored the extensive use of Dallas Museum of Art, for this information.
According to Gerard de Wallens, Oudinot, an See Vente Corot, Paris, , La Solitude, Variante du his master. Les bet, Corot y los pintores de Barbizon, Museo Thyssen- the former also has pen-and-ink added. Quel en est le prix, ain que je connaisse 7 April Millet did not exhibit his pastels at the Salon but Aut.
Like Corot, Oudinot exhib- may have displayed them at the private arts club of the Sensier lui faire pour 1, francs de dessins.
Petit de votre exposition rue de Choiseul. Il constate noted that he had sent two drawings to Moureaux: Vos dessins ont Le semeur and Deux jeunes illes see ibid. This work was also commissioned by Cadart and seulement les mesures du dessin pour Mr. Je Moureaux had played a prominent role in the print Luquet. See Dieterle, Dieterle, and Lebeau, Corot: Dethomas, des Glaneuses ou un Semeur, je fais Aut. Walters through his agent George Lucas in July pour Mr.
It is not mentioned, for example, in the catalogue for 10, francs. On 2 July , Lucas wrote, The paper has again discolored, although exami- perhaps responsible for a certain monotony in his of Art, ]. This building has been identiied as a telegraph that it was originally fairly dark. The painting was apparently discovered in a house which color is introduced. Yale University Press, ], In producing the igure of the sower in this and collector Adolphe Mame had paid for an earlier This accompanied a catalogue of his prints by the 81 See 95 Dessins de J-F.
Millet composant la collection fortes de M. One print after Millet appeared plate. The igure in this drawing has heavy, reworked copy annotated with prices, Los Angeles, J. On 16 November , for example, Millet noted in this album, no. This is conirmed Museum. There is a related known tracings by the artist.
For a valuable overview of the variety and impor- drawing in the National Gallery of Art, Washington. See Vente Millet, Paris, Yale Univer- pastels that Gavet acquired in mid-April Gavet est venu Le Berger et la Mer. The verses are from Ad Sextium, IV, book 1. The physique of the sower and particularly the Dimanche dernier. Dumoulin, , Paris, , to the Boston version, as is the treatment of the straw Since he knew Moureaux well, he could quite line to the right also meets the seed bag in the same Such exhibitions served to highlight On 16 January , the collector and newspaper Pissarro, for example, visited the the print was due to appear: Robaut, Camille Corot repr.
The initials CF or phy. Frick on FC , however, are unexplained. To be or completely surround a given space to As if it lacked any interest, however, they pro- reproductions, stopped short of providing fair, Pissarro was rather exaggerating the create a mood. While the presentation of vided no account of how or why they deter- a special exhibition-by-exhibition section repetition involved, since the ifteen Wheat- the related works as an exhibition ensemble mined which works to star. Unfortunately, the enor- of his home at Eragny, not far upstream on information about them.
The disinclination famous series exhibitions. But no installation mous diiculties and costs of arranging for the River Epte from where Monet lived at to study series art seemingly has to do with photographs had ever been taken to show the loans or even reproduction rights continues Giverny. No one had ever made, or to study the history of series art in concrete Lucien on 26 December.
State-sponsored museum bothered to keep, any installation diagrams. Seldom if ever illustrated in surveys are so varied that everything is completely acquisitions of unique works in conjunction Although M. Durand-Ruel could show me or even in monographs, the ensembles com- transformed, and then the compositions and with large state-sponsored group exhibitions some of the wine-red fabric that had served prising the complex events in the evolution angles are so diferent.
What conversion to painting variations hardly opment of contemporary art in the s archives lacked an architectural ground plan is needed to grasp the foundational issues comes as a surprise considering how series and s. But already during these same of the exhibition space, with which it might of modern series art in the second half of fever swept through the French art world years an international commercial gallery have been possible to speculate generally the nineteenth century is a fully illustrated of the s.
An introductory compilation in out- based on variations, going back to their stu- would not have been possible without the tions were brief catalogues with checklists line more than in depth of some of the key dent days in the late s. It is worth considering how the dreds of illustrations. While I understand the Wheatstacks exhibition in May Stack of Wheat Opposite: Museum of 93 cm. The Art Institute on beige paper, Stack of Wheat, Fig. Stack of Wheat Chicago, Restricted gift Museum of of Mr.
Pastel on beige 14 tion, Haystacks at and Potter Palmer col- paper, Wheatstacks, courtesy of Ivor Braka of Snow and Sun , Snow Effect, Morning, Paul Museum of Art, H. Haystacks, Snow Havemeyer, Effect, Grainstacks, NG Snow Effect, Grainstacks, Sun Vermont, Shelburne in the Mist, Four states of a six views already in the s, and he would never issued regulatory guidelines to control before igs. To be sure, lacking installation photo- Like the diferent impressions of any one printed in unique color variations. Jacques-Ernest is no way to know whether or not these or in sequence, the ifteen works in the May versions and variations had controversial Bulloz, silver gelatin were all well aware by that similar vir- works were displayed in tandem.
Since medieval times paint- Gates of Hell. During the nine- tion with one hundred and forty-ive paint- famous suite of ten complex color etchings of teenth century, suites of related images were ings by Monet at the Galerie Georges Petit in everyday female activities. Cassatt displayed widely available as albums of prints devoted Paris. Considering his landscape bias, Monet shapes—for example, isolated rocks, trees, printed some two-dozen examples of every may have had little special interest in book or wheatstacks—and he included two, three, single image in the suite, no two colored illustration, but like Cassatt he passionately four, even six versions of some of these s alike.
Presumably admirers could ask the gal- admired Japanese master woodblock prints. Could it be that Monet encouraged achieve by creating works in series. After all, Monet American Art his own frustrations and ambitions during for ensemble display. In he faceted reasoning, Monet was evidently American painter John Leslie Breck — mentioned that he hoped to paint a group of somewhat taken by surprise by a conceptual returned to Giverny after a hiatus of Water Lilies paintings to be displayed around question that arose when he exhibited ifteen nearly two years, engaged now to an Ameri- a dining room.
During a chance encounter in-law joined him there. Among the found- Breck. He stayed in the village nearly him to leave the village. But the early ownership to have obliged him to return with her to unframed as a dado at the Chase Gallery history of these pictures helps explain how Boston. In the autumn of , while Monet in Boston. This possibly was the irst series very quickly the market for contemporary was working from his studio boat on his exhibition in the United States.
As far as art changed in reaction to series works. Poplars series, Breck remarkably enough, is known, none was sold. Sutton, the American small paintings twelve of which are known Ministry of Fine Arts began to consider the dealer owned two of the earliest Wheatstacks. With his models ahead. The Chicago hotel Next Breck diferentiated each painting in ent full-size versions, but nevertheless he magnates Berthe and Potter Palmer did not terms of colors and shadows in order to chart did just that.
A 4 April letter from the poet see the May Wheatstacks exhibition in the course of a single day hour by hour. Place your hand over the inscription Renoir had already sold a third version of simply to achieve one that might be worthy and you would be able to guess the season, the the same subject to his dealer, Durand-Ruel, of purchase by the state. If so, he had no time of day and the wind condition.
I am not on 2 April. Courbet — met Boudin, who kept gaping furnaces, these irmaments of black or that time. Weary of writing never once occurred to me in front of one of these was presented on an easel in a separate room tion to his important May Durand-Ruel reviews of the enormous Salon exhibitions liquid, aerial forms of magic to complain about adjacent to the rest of the display. Perhaps Renoir wished to acknowl- of contemporary art, as he had since , the absence of man. So rather than report about apply to the sky and sea photographs of Gus- chase.
However, in Paris, Baudelaire decided to praise this already by and featured in the third Salon same picture in June Or, the state sale inalized, had determination to give his extensive collec- would be out of place at any large public contemporary art. Visiting Paris speciically to see laire who vigorously disclaimed photography it to the dealer? Whatever the case may be, never anonymous insider published information on display together at a French museum? Whether or not painting, le pardon de Sainte Anne Palud I saw must have assumed that he would quickly rity: According to his no pretension to consider these notes as pictures.
But Boudin never chose to do so, in nuances from one another. He paintings of the prodigious magic of air and water.
Les sources iconographiques des portraits fictifs du père jésuite Jacques Marquette
Be that as it may, the separate detail. Such is the extreme conscien- told me one day that he regretted not having So quickly and faithfully sketched from what is episode preigured by some thirty years what tiousness of M. That way, he could have devoted these studies are always inscribed marginally with of a constantly changing landscape spectacle done too quickly. Gabriel that the American painter Martin Johnson ig. But Portraits from Different and meadows. Study for a new variations on the theme as late as notebooks from around the same time: Do not waste a minute.
Thanks to a pro- who tended to produce groups of distinct during the remainder of the century. In August Courbet took what he section by section to capture the same sitter With market opportunities in mind, however, intended as a brief excursion to the seashore multiple times most often six or eight. Courbet wrote to his dealer, Jules Luquet, at Trouville and ended up spending three While the vast majority of these gridded in the spring or summer of He was joined in October by multi-image prints were cut up into their the source of the Loue recently and did four the American artist James Whistler — component units to serve as fashionable landscapes 1.
Miss illustrated calling cards, several photogra- those you have. For example, known in four nearly identical versions. It goes without say- feet. Gustave Courbet, Seacoast Marine , Low Tide at Trouville, Marine, Oil on Oil on canvas, Oil on canvas, canvas, Courbet made no reference to named Bardenet in early about a new seascapes. Whatever the case may diferent one from the other than his sea- ingly have served as ideal examples of the yet cosmic. The ably the painter had not made suicient pro- in installments beginning in January earth from the nothingness, so M. Courbet only record of this unprecedented exhibition, gress on this new series to include examples about modern landscape painters at work at extracts his seascapes from nothing, or almost for which there was no catalogue, is con- at the extensive retrospective exhibition of his Normandy sites including Trouville captur- nothing: I photographs of this historic exhibition.
Early in yet another mostly undocu- series-minded artists as Mark Rothko — had twenty-ive paintings, old and new, includ- Consequently, it is not known whether he mented event can be presumed to have greatly and Brice Marden b. Those seascapes displayed similar works together in groups. The near- gular zones. As if commemorating a truly humbug. Did Whistler undertake his any single buyer thought to buy two or and storms, to judge from the listed titles.
Six of these thirteen works were borrowed his earliest signiicant body of art in series. Or, did Courbet him- Perhaps motivated by the inancial suc- from owners identiied by name. Gustave Caille- in relationship to works by his colleagues breaking as it comes ashore, demonstrating botte, Sky Study, Clouds, 1, before Oil on during the s. Gustave Caille- an assimilation of the highly simpliied and tion extending into the sea like the buttress botte, Sky Study, Clouds, 2, before Oil on concentrated images by Delacroix, Boudin, of a Gothic cathedral.
During the summer of Caillebotte, Paris in response to seeing art in series on public Monet was working in tandem with Renoir Fig. In his remarkable establishment where Parisians came by 3, before Kendall speculated that Degas may noting how their eforts this summer were have intended to put them on exhibition at carried out collaboratively in series fashion. Indeed, one could speculate even series art was sidetracked, as were all con- further that Degas hoped to collaborate with temporary art trends, by the outbreak of war such colleagues as Boudin, Monet, and even in the summer of Berthe Morisot — on some unreal- As is well known, Courbet initially took an ized or unrecorded group exhibition or auc- active role in the Commune, the provisional tion project featuring landscape pastels.
But lar works together. Needless to say, Courbet immediately astonishing career. As for himself, however, Cour- had designed his own frames, marked with series art wish in his diary for 24 February and can be inspected by anybody. A land- bet continued to make works in multiple his butterly monogram, as were his pictures. While in prison, for example, The exhibition was briely described by an outline engraving of the background of Paris transformed in eighty-ive diferent ways.
Every- myself by recording on them in watercolors dresses four paintings and a drawing , dis- to turn brown on the ground underneath a thing is strictly monotone, either greenish all the tints awakened by the watery fogs of tinct compositions on a theme, rather than tree. In another two the apples are on the blue or light yellow. There is a glaring the Seine, all the magical colors with which variations on a set composition, and he seat of a stool. But in the greatest number ambition to achieve the candor of Japanese our autumn, our winter paint this horizon showed more than that number of works of examples the apples sometimes in con- prints.
Battersea Reach from tler opted not to join the French artists soon catalogue suggests that his repetition of any as if the artist was intrigued with the apple Lindsey Houses Hunterian Museum and to be dubbed Impressionists, and, judging particular theme has no signiicance beyond variations as he had once been with the Art Gallery, University of Glasgow ; possibly, from his diary, Goncourt never went to see his catering to perceived market preferences.
But many on 15 April As individual works tels and watercolors by Boudin. Presuming lowing the deaths of his father and uncle and Boudin and Monet, who visited him at the they are at least as similar to one another as that he framed them individually, Boudin the eventual revelation of substantial family Neuilly clinic in Monet Paris at the Impressionist group show, Degas the artist perhaps most deeply under Cour- s.
Serial or not, Deschamps sold four diferent dance paint- modest close-up images of apples on chair scenes when sea and sky all but coalesce in these relatively small-scale works on paper by ings to the Brighton collector Henry Hill. If twentieth-century abstract paint- accounts of the exhibition focused on the exhibition as an opportunity to display eleven ing can be said to begin anywhere, it would controversial paintings. The the beginning of The two of these bold, quickly painted coming years Whistler would revolutionize the individual units dispersed by market since the early s with Monet and Degas.
In January the Galerie Durand- an unconventional etcher who never inked any conventional sense igs. Many critics of the Impressionist national museums. There is nothing to indicate, extending beyond it, bustling with smoking special signiicance beyond what any single however, that she included all of these works trains, railway workers, and crowds of tiny work might have on its own.
If they indeed in the Impressionist exhibition as a passengers. They were not listed one after Already by Caillebotte had himself tant precedent for Monet, who would soon the other in the catalogue. Two were larger caught series fever. An avid boater, Caille- undertake an even greater number of related than the rest. Moreover, the fact that Monet sold a probably irst manifest in groups of small exhibition in included eight pictures fourth Gare Saint-Lazare in March to uniform oil studies done on his Yerres prop- of the ballet, three pictures of spectators a diferent collector before the opening of erty.
But any interest in keeping the group of seven he had seen at the Impressionist exhi- works on a particular theme are not necessar- together as an ensemble. As if emu- an innovation did not receive attention in the painting in the career of the artist who would lating the concerns of his Impressionist press. Moreover, there painter friends, Zola structured this novel unconventional white frames, such framing Top: Oil on of Wight, Oil on botte, obtained three Gare Saint-Lazare paint- ent conditions, playing the role of a sort of the same artist, and so foster a series mood.
Suiciently well-of to Greek chorus as comment on the actions of But the absence of press commentary about Private collection, United Private collection, United collect works by his colleagues, Caillebotte his protagonists. With only this single landscape sub- meteorological documentation. Although he never ies would provide some of the same infor- single frame containing four states of one attempted to show these topical paintings mation organized in systematic grid-format landscape image selected to appear in Le jour as a group, from now on Monet made more meteorological charts.
For example, the et la nuit. Impressions unprecedented opportunity for him to realize April with a full-page illustration con- and states. Seemingly at issue was a printing the full potential of transcribing the same sisting of a calendar grid of thirty identical known today as Mary Cassatt at the Louvre: For some reason tial beauty of serial art display. But at irst introduced the French public to a break- she preferred not to exhibit Interior Scene, Monet worked in series because of the con- through in the history of series art: Instead of sequential images of a galloping horse and diferent states, all of them acquired around expending extra time getting himself and of a horse pulling a sulky, proto-cinematic this time by Degas, probably as a gift.
For all his supplies from one site to another, an photographs made in California by the of these artists the full set of diferent states out-of-doors Impressionist artist working British-born Eadweard Muybridge — of a single printed image clearly had a special in series could switch from one canvas to While single images by Muybridge Fig. As impor- eleven fans decorated with farm scenes. This way, with the possibility of tant, such strips of sequential photographic Needless to say, the format itself inevitably images established expectations about what brought attention to these works as variations series art should be and how to organize its in series fashion.
Aside from the already men- Fig. In showed young women with fans in theater Congress, Prints and Georges Clemenceau badgered Monet boxes, each distinct in composition and size Photographs Division to let him rearrange the twenty Rouen Cathe- but all orchestrated in tones of pink, red, and dral variations see igs. Drypoint Degas, Leaving the Bath, crayon, etching, drypoint, and aquatint on wove ten states, — Fine Arts Muse- New York, The Drypoint Clark Art Institute paper. Ottawa, National and aquatint. Electric of Art, Gift of Selma crayon, etching, drypoint, Electric Erving, class of and aquatint.
Washington, crayon, etching, drypoint, SC In other journalists and greatly upset others, none inluential art. Of these, ive catalogue was that a painter might need to transport Returning to the Channel coast in Febru- sketchy. Predicated on the possibility of numbers 3, 27, 33, 42, and 47 showed vari- ten or more canvases to the same site. If ary Monet now painted even more vari- returning to the same site day after day at ous views of the abandoned coast guard the painter lived near his chosen subject, ations of individual subjects, especially views the same time to reine his work on the lookout house at Petit Ailly.
But no tion, both inconclusive: For example, he needed slotted cases 25 March letter to Durand-Ruel: But do they provide any- all the same size in accord with the dimen- to have inished all my canvases. I already pathy for series art where it might be most thing like complete and careful coverage for sions of each particular case. Similar sub- have some inished ones, but if it does not expected, for example, at the large retrospec- issues of serial production and ensemble jects repeated on canvases of uniform format matter to you, I would prefer to show you tive Courbet exhibition in Paris in May So preoccupied none mentioned any unusual matching or in the exhibition of ifteen Wheatstacks vidual paintings, without wasting any time was Monet with painting Courbet-like varia- grouping as an installation feature to pro- that so annoyed Pissarro at irst.
He informed her, more- not have taken the time to see this historic, all too often, lack of press commentary — over, that he had gone so far as to hire a albeit lawed, retrospective. But by the end encourages ongoing historical disregard. Consequently he of the Thames. Moreover, larger space on the boulevard de la Madeleine likely did not see the most remarkable of all pass before Monet could begin to realize this while Monet was hard at work this way in and presented consecutive solo shows, start- series art displays on view in Paris in the particularly Whistlerian series project, with Normandy, Durand-Ruel helped to arrange ing with one devoted exclusively to works by spring of I refer to a group of works by roughly twenty to forty variations on three for a selection of his new works to be included Boudin— paintings, as well as pastels Whistler, who only weeks earlier in London, key compositional themes.
In the meantime in the sixth Impressionist group exhibition, and watercolors. Given the extremely limited in February , had staged the most contro- Monet went no further than the Normandy which opened in Paris on 1 March. As if both spooing and endorsing serial art, Degas in each of these works includes near identical shop girls handling near identical hats. But, of course, throughout the s, with his racehorse pictures igs.
Judging from the excited letters that Monet wrote from the Mediterranean village of Bordighera, where he suddenly installed Nocturnes, according to titles listed in the Fig. Edgar Degas, himself in January , the painter expected checklist. The minimal seascape painted Little Milliners, Indeed, he even anticipated the through the generosity have been the work listed as Harmony in Blue imminent publication of an illustrated bro- of an anonymous donor and Silver.
Otherwise, it has been impossible F chure about his art by Gustave Goetschy. Some vague idea frames for his only-just-begun works, to be of this key series presentation was, however, ready upon his eventual return to Giverny. But he never had rial magic? Edgar Degas, market context. It is probably worth noting Before the Race, ca. Before the Race, Oil on panel, Oil on panel, that was the year of publication for Bequest of Institute Several of these pastels show through November on canvases of several ing year, if possible with Morisot and Rodin.
Still more commercially ranean, where he painted from two to ive subject ten times, one hundred times. In a Nothing in art must look accidental, even classic Animal Locomotion to see images of Normandy or along the Mediterranean, letter sent from Antibes, Monet confessed to movement. With only sparse documentation Galerie Boussod et Valadon. Seurat it is impossible to determine exactly which brother, Vincent, would have seen this little day and with diferent efects.
He would spent the summer of in Honleur, ten works were at issue or whether they were presentation prior to his departure for Arles, take them up in turn, then put them down where he made six decoratively interrelated grouped together, as would seem to have been where he immediately set to work as a series again, depending upon the changes in the and notably stylized paintings of the port nearly unavoidable.
It is likewise impossible artist. Writing to Theo in mid-April, Vincent sky. Standing before his subject, he waited, where Boudin had long ago amazed Baude- to determine exactly what Whistler included explained: I dare hope for three in a few brushstrokes a falling ray of light clouds. I should like very much to do this rapidly onto his canvas. Although lacking any series of nine canvases. Nadar , portrait photo- pictures of sunlowers. After completing any given previ- tions; to the impresario Alfred Stieglitz ous series, Monet had never made any efort — , whose photographs of clouds to show it in whole or part at his famous Music—A Sequence of Ten Cloud Photographs, Giverny home.
Visitors commented that amount to a reprise in rich blacks at best the painter was able to keep for him- and whites of the Boudin pastels that so self but one example of each of his famous amazed Baudelaire in Honleur in The brilliant young changed in order to do justice to the beauties such modern masters as Johns b. According to the cata- about the display at Boussod et Valadon, memory of Clare C. Edgar Degas, on the Creuse River. Bronze, showing a pair of wheatstacks in a ield at canvases as there were distinct spectacles. Rosen- stacks would inally establish Monet as the however, Monet unlike his friend Whistler had acquired from Monet in the late sum- not as interesting as his pastels, six of which wald Edgar Degas, in series fashion.
The enlightened criticism and patronage of Clemenceau and Camondo aside, series art has been its own worst enemy from a his- torical point of view. Seldom available to be viewed, except in fragmentary ways, too often beyond the means of collectors or institutions to purchase or accommodate, from its earli- est beginnings series art has sufered from Opposite: Claude Monet, Detail of fig. Oil on canvas, Cathedral in Morning deinstallations and dispersals.
Paul art continues still today to pervade the fun- Collection John House, Renoir, Master Impressionist, exh. To my knowledge there has as yet been no gallery show out of uncharacteristic oversight Executed around the at the Galerie Martinet in Paris, and it seems , published in Munich: Prestel , provides no. The best overviews of the complex sculpture of exhibitions as listed in the original gallery check- a pioneering series artist.
In Garland Publishing issued a series of Gallimard, —76 , 2: Fogg Art Museum , 1—28; and Catherine Chevil- of the numerous oil studies of clouds by British artist ered, —66, nos. Dessins, August and October issues of Magasin pittoresque. For a recent assessment, see Laurence 4. Valhermeil, , 60 letter Although they Autour des Paysages de mer de Gustave Courbet Hugh Lauter Leven Associates, , — Chu, Letters of Gustave Courbet, no. Place, , 1: De Clivo Press, , 20, 27, 86 f. Without any special no. Catalogue critique des peintures, Gallery, , — See also Albert Kostenevich, Colta Ives et al.
Paul Getty 3 vols. A Summary Catalogue New York: Metropolitan Museum, , 91— Edmond and Jules de Goncourt, Journal: Elizabeth Anne McCauley, A. Robert Ricatte, 22 vols. Edmond de Goncourt, Hokousai Paris: Yale University Press, , esp. Floury, , These are cited by , 70— Catalogue de la collection Jean Walter et Paul Guillaume room of his own home. Nature John House, Monet: Nature into Art New Haven and 9. Yale University Press, , n. See also Stephen Z. Murray, , 22— Petra ten-Doesschate Chu, ed.
Renoir undertook no fewer of Gustave Courbet Chicago and London: New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art , 20—21 For the exhibition, see ibid. Dessins, pastels, index, —
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