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To build a pyramid you would have to have known about the Pythagorean theorem before the theory was discovered by Pythagoras. The baklava-munching Greeks stole most of their ancient knowledge. Editorial Review Product Description This is a study of ancient didactic poetry, a type of literature which uses verse as the medium for teaching theoretical knowledge or practical skills. Volk combines a general discussion of didactic poetry as a genre in Greek and Latin literature with detailed interpretations of four famous Latin didactic poems by Lucretius, Vergil, Ovid, and Manilius.
Read more Customer Reviews 1 very useful Very learned and also easy to read. You'll find lots of information on the genre of didactic poetry as a whole, and you'll also find useful close analyses of the individual authors. Volk's book is crucial for anyone interested in any aspect of Lucretius, Virgil, Ovid or Manilius. Die Eigenschaften der Tierkreiszeichen in der Antike: Rediscovering Manilius' Astronomica by Steven J.
Editorial Review Product Description The Astronomica of Manilius is a poem in five books, at least partly written under the Emperor Augustus, which purports to teach the reader the art of astrology and the means by which an accurate horoscope may be cast. It is, therefore, a text from the classical age of Roman literature which deals with a topic to whose enduring popular interest any daily Western newspaper will testify. And yet, despite some notable modern exceptions, the infamously harsh verdict of Manilius' most ardent modern critic, A. Housman, continues to cast an imposing shadow on the poem.
Forgotten Stars seeks to lift this shadow once and for all, as it brings together an international contingent of scholars to analyse this dynamic poem from a variety of perspectives. Matters of literary interest are complemented by approaches which assess the work's socio-political, philosophical, scientific, and astrological resonance, as well as its influence on later Renaissance writers. This book may have occasional imperfections such as missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc.
We believe this work is culturally important, and despite the imperfections, have elected to bring it back into print as part of our continuing commitment to the preservation of printed works worldwide. We appreciate your understanding of the imperfections in the preservation process, and hope you enjoy this valuable book. However, a concentration on ideological-political or narratological perspectives means that attention has been focused on individual passages, prooemia, excurses or other marginal sections, while the main material, the astrological teachings, have been neglected.
However, above all in the last century, our knowledge of astrology has been significantly furthered by numerous new editions of the works of Teukros of Babylon, Dorotheos, Vettius Valens and Hephaistion. These texts are particularly important for our understanding of the fifth book of the Astronomica. Untersuchungen zu den Gleichnissen im romischen Lehrgedicht: Editorial Review Product Description Originally published in All titles scanned cover to cover and pages may include marks notations and other marginalia present in the original volume.
Biblioteca Vaticana, MS Pal. Aldebrandln de 5ienne, Livres pour Is same garder Riglll! First hall of the fifteenth century. ZOrich, Zentralbibliothek Schreiber m. Munich, Bayer-ische Staatsbibliothek, MS germ. Guild-book of the Barber-Surgeons of the City of 'ork. End of the fiftccnth century.
London, British Museum, Egerton 15 , foJ. Second baJf of the fift eenth century. Gotha, Museum Schreiber 0. Simon Vostre, Book of Hours. Woodcut , Bartsch Title-page to XVI Cabinet des Dessins, No. Second quarter of the sixteenth century. Paris, Ecole des Beaux. Arts, Cabinet Jean Masson. Engraving by Pieter de Jode after Marten de Vos Engraving by Pieter de Jode after Martcn de Vos Engraving by Jacob I de Gheyn after H.
Engraving by Jacob I de Cheyn after H. Marten van Heemskerck DOrer, Self-portrait with the yellow spot. DOrer, Man in despair. Etching on iron, Bartsch From a Spanish manuscript of about Niemann 5 Malinconia.
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List of Abbreviations A. I- XXI, nouvelle Milion. IChe Staats-bibliothek, MS lat. Corpus mldkorum Grsu",",,", edd. Academiae Berolinensis Havniensis Lipsiensis. Vienna 62 continued. F'llIm",1II der Vorsok,alike" ed. U,elltJl' Ill , veroitllt1l1ig,nd, Kunst. Sew York 19l C. Oeuvres completes d'Hippocrate, traduction nouvelle avec Ie texte grtc en regard, par t:.
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H U1H and R Klibansk: Series Graeca, accurante J. I - VI, Leipzig T! SI US, Otuvru, edd. It can mean a mental illness characterised mainly by attacks of anxiety, deep depression and fatigue-though it is true that recently the medical concept has largely become disintegrated. LUf, Jena ; E. Liln4Jl4r 14"" S4tisli", MS. MeI"-tation, Jena ; L. Iledieal and cosmological correla. Although new meanings emerged, old meanings did not give way to them; in short, it was a case not of decay and meta-morphosis, but of parallel survival. These humours corresponded, it was held, to the cosmic elements and to the divisions of time; they controlled the whole existence and behaviour of mankind, and, according to the manner in which they were combined, determined the character of the individual.
Sunt enim quattuor humoresin homine, qui imitantur diversa eiementa; crescunt in diversis temporibus, regnant in diversis aetatibus. Sanguis imitatur aerem, crescit in vere, regnat in pueritia. Melancholia imitatur terram, crescit in autumno, regnat in mat uri tate. Phlegma imitatur aquam, crescit in hieme. Hi cum nec pius nee minus lust a exuberant, viget homo. This system was destined to dominate the whole trend of physiology and psychology almost until the present day; for what the ANON.
In the same way Paracelsus's objections went long unheard. The search for simple primary elements or quahties, to which the complex and apparently irrational structure of both macrocosm and microcosm could be directly traced. The urge to find a numerical expression for this complex structure of bodily and spiritual existence. The theory of harmony, symmetry, isonomy, or whatever other name men may have chosen to express that perfect propor-tion in parts, in materials, or in faculties, which Greek thought down to Plotinus always regarded as essential to any value, moral, aesthetic or hygienic.
They used to swear bv four, "which holds the root and source of eternal nature"6; and not only nature in general, but rational man in particular. The perfect combination was, first, that in which all the elements were equally apportioned; secondly. If all the elements were not equally apportioned, the man would be a fool. And if the combination was more perfect in one part of the body than in another, this would produce individuals with a marked specific talent-orators, for instance, if the "crasis" of the tongue, artists if that of the hands, was especially good.
But it will also be seen that this attempt was far too general and far too speculative to satisfy the requirements of a specifically anthropological theory, much less of a medical one. In so far as he held that human beings, as well as the physical universe, were composed only of earth, air, fire and water, EmpedocIes did indeed establish a common basis for the macrocosm and the microcosm: He reduced man to general, cosmic elements, without 11 Cf. Those of a more anthropological tum of mind could not rest content with this, but were driven to search or specific substances and faculties in man, which should somehow correspond to the primary elements constituting the world as a whole, without being simply identical with them.
Empedocles's immediate successors had already felt the need of making his anthropological concepts rather more elastic, by partly depriving the elements composing man of their purely material nature and by attributing to them a more dynamic character. It was therefore only logical that in answer to the question "When is the crasis of the qualities right and proper? For the qualities could not on1r form dual combinations warm and moist, warm and dry.
Both theories reached their full maturity not long before , when humoralism really originated. IS These humours had long been known in the specifically medical tradition, in the first instance as causes of illness, and, if they became visible as in vomiting or the like , as symptoms of illness. Nourishment brought substances into the body which, thanks to the digestion , were partly made use of that is, turned into bones, flesh and blood. Euryphon of Cnidus had. Timotheus of Metapontus believed they were caused by a single acid salty fluid; and Herodicus of Cnidus dis tinguished two such fluids, one sour and one bitter.
What gave this document its unique value for postcrity was its attempt to combine in one system humoral pathology proper with general cosmological speCUlation, morc particularly that of Empedocles. From thIS the author of the nEpl. On the one hand, with the exception of blood, the humours taken over from medicine were quite useless substances, not to say harmful. On the other hand, these very substances, though regarded as in themselves causes of illness, or at least as predisposing factors, were paired with the universal and hygienically neutral qualities, cold. Each gained the ascendancy once a year without necessarily causing acute illnesses; and since the absolutely healthy man was one who was neWT ill at all so that he must be as like every other absolutely healthy man as two peas in a pod, the right combination of the humours being one alone and permitting no divergencies , the physician, of all people, could not avoid the conclusion that this absolntely healthy man represented an ideal hardly ever met with in reali tyY..
While 50mt pol t-elassical authOr! Thus, in such a trad ition, what had of old been symptoms of illness came gradually to be regarded, at first unconsciously. Complete health was only an ideal, approxi-mated. It is true, however, that the two were closely linked, since it was usually one and the same humour which adverse circumstances permitted to develop from mere predisposition into actual illness.
As to the blood, from the very beginning it had so to speak got in only by the back door, for not only was it not a surplus humour, it was the noblest and most essential part of the body. S3 Greek physiology, in which humoralism meant primarily humoral pathology, apparently lacked an adjective to describe a constitution detennined by the blood," as the choleric is deter-mincq. And it is significant that in the later doctrine of the four temperaments in which, as in modem speech, the terms were applied to the habitus and character of the healthy the "sanguine" temperament, and only that, bore a Latin name.
The black bile, on the contrary. Hippocratean times that the disease as such was denoted by one noun. It became, as Gellius later ironically said, "a disease of heroes". As is wel1 known, this transvaluation was effected by P lato. As Socrates says in the Phaedrus, "if it were simply that frenzy were an evil", Lysias would be right; "but in fact we receive the greatest benefits through frenzy, that is, in so far as..
There a re countless parallels ill later literature. To most people the bile engendered from their daily nutriment does not give a distinctive character but merely result s in some atra-bilious disease. But among those who constitutionally pos-sess this temperament there is "It has been obRrved c. It ""idently rden to Tbeophraatu.
Totol 'IvtS dcn TO: The natural melancholic, however, even when perfectly well, possessed a quite special "ethos", which, however it chose to manifest itself, made hiin fundamentally and permanently different from "ordinary" men; he was, as it were, normally abnormal. This spiritual singularity of the natural melancholic was due to the fact that the black bile possessed one quality lacking in the other humours, namely that it affected the disposition 'fl6cmOI6v. The basic idea was that there were some substances-water, milk or honey, for instance-whose absorption into the body did not influence the condition of the soul a t all; but there were others which worked immediately and powerfully upon the mind and also threw the victim into all sorts of spiritual conditions which normally were foreign to him.
Wine was a good example of this, and black bile produced comparable effects an idea often repeated in later authors. The main difference from the effects of wine was that the effects of black bile were not always tempo. In this "pneuma" there dwells a singularly st imu-lating driving-force which sets the whole organism in a state of tension 6pES'S , strongly affects the mind and tries, above all in sexual intercourse, literally to "vent itself"; hence both the aph. Really "outstanding" talent, as shown in objective ach ievement, presupposes a double limitation of t he effects emanating from the black bile.
Then and only then 15 the melancholic not a freak but a genius; for then and only then, as the admi rable conclusion runs. Tni o' hrn Koi eVl!: It was not alwavs easy , however, for Aristotle's followers to draw the line between' natural melancholy and melancholy sickness, for it need hardlv be said that even a well-attempered melancholy was constan tly - in danger of turning into an actual illness, either through a temporary increase in the quantity of bile ' already present. Even the gifted melancholic walked.
The other concerned the outlining of particular states of mind in that the "lmmor melancholicus", if temporarily present in abnormal quantity or condition. A penetrating phrasecoined, it is true, only in the fifteenth century A,D. Quae quidem extremitas ceteris humoribus non contingit. D,u But had it any right to bear that name? It is typically Aristotelian not only to t ry to show a connexion between mental and physical processes as the Hippocrateans had begun to do e7 but to try to prove it down to the last detail.
The conceptions, too, made use of to prove the case are typically Aristotelian. There is the notion of heat, which here, as in Aristotle generally, signifies the foremost dynamic principle of organic nature and which an important point was thought to be independent of physical substances, so that the same black bile could as easily become very hot as very cold; and thanks to this "thermodynamic ambivalence" it achieved its effects in the forma-tion of character.
For even if say courage seems to be the mean between cowardice and recklessness, it is not a fixed point between two other fixed points, but a varying equi-librium between two vital, constantly opposed forces, which is preserved not by a weakening of the opposed energies but by their controlled interaction.
Melancholies followed their fancy entirely, were uncontrolled in every respect,70 and were driven by ungovernable lust. For the morbid perversions 01 the "vis imaginativa. The ootion of a mela. Tbe traditional text has. P ROBLEM XXX, I 37 is treated throughout as a pathological abnormality always needing medical aid , with virtues that are merely the reverse side of its failings true dreams, for instance, come not from good sen5e--qlpOVIlO"ls- but, to put it in modem language, from the unchecked activity of the "unconscious".
The Problem, however, considers a melancholy disposition essential for just those achievements which require conscious aim and deliberate action- those in fact which correspond to the essentially intellectual virtues, that is to say achievements in the realm of art, poetry, philosophy or politics. Such a conception is not "un-Aristotelian", but to a certain extent it does go beyond Aristotle's own range of interests.
In the Parva natuTalia it is the physiologist who speaks, for whom the "abnormal" means merely a "modus deficiens"; in the Ethics the speaker is the moralist, who considers the individual in his relation to the community, and who to that extent sees the existence and behaviour of men from the standpoint of decorum and responsi-bility..
In both cases the melancholic is conceived as "melancholic thro. The author of P roblem, XXX, I, however, sets himself the task of doing justice to a type of character which evades judgement from the medical as well as from the moral point of view- the "exceptional" type mp,'TT6s. This concept really denoted the fatal lack of moderation characteristic of the heroes amI victims in the great tragedies, shown in Electra's grief83 or Antigone's work of charity; these seemed insolent and pointless to the reasonable Ismene or the rigidly autocratic Creon, but they meant the fulfilment of a higher moral law to poet and audience.
To this popular religious feeling Aristotle alludes in the beginning of the Met. Propter boc ergo, quod tam senes quam iuvenes super, bun-dantiaa proKquuntur delectatiooum, aunt intemperati et pravi; quia iotemperatus circa tales cst delectatiooes: When Creon calla Antigone'. The magnanimous is described as "in respect to greatness an extreme, in respect to right proportion a mean".
For it does not only go beyond any knowledge of immediately utilitarian or even mo al and political value,88 but, being an end in itself, might be 'thought to transcend human nature and to be a privilege of the gods. But it is just because of the "transcending" value of this Wisdom that AristoUe, rejecting the old superstition of the jealous deity, claims it to be the true aim and perfect felicity of.
Nk, IV, 7, lU3 b The resemblanco of th.. Admittedly Aristotle could not concede this frenzy to be "godlike" in the sense that it could be traced back to a. The mythical notion of frenzy was replaced by the scientific notion of melancholy, a task made the easier as "melan-cholic" and " mad"- in the purely pathological sense--had long been synonymous, and as the peculiar gift of true dreams and prophecies belonging to the diseased melancholic corresponded to the Platonic equation of "mantic" and "manic".
In this way the notion of melancholy acquired in its tum a new and positive content, and thanks to this it was pOssible a t once to recognise and to explain the phenomenon of the "man of geniu s". Plato described how an abnormal condition: One may say that t he Italian Renaissance of the fifteenth century was the first age that grasped the full significance of the Problem.
It was no sooner grasped than transformed. Ancient writers record its main thesis, that all great men are melancholies, with either a certain remote astonishmentMi or else with frank irony,lOO but in any case with dwindling sympathy for the tragic anomaly of the outstanding man hurled back and forth between exaltation and overwhelming depression.
According to a doctrine of element. Apart from the complex of symptoms described in 1! Both thoughts were pregnant enough, the first for the further development of the notion of pathological melancholy, the second for the creation of a type of character- an idea which, before the end of antiquity, was to merge with the doctrine of the four temperaments as four types of disposition.
D, divlllaliO'IU , I. But on the other hand. Melancholy as a disposition ceased to be the main requisite for outstanding gifts. To these latter belong the admittedly true, but not "cataleptic" and therdore. Along the" lines, whicb correspond to the notion of the prophetic melanebolic contained in the E.. III, 5 Opuo omniA , ed. G, KUhn, uipz;g fh8, p. His analysis of symptoms was sometimes of a penetration and subtlety which is unsurpassed even.
The school of the "Methodics"-much despised by Galen-was influenced by Themison , a pupil of Asclepiades. To this ,11 Mno!..
II The emphasis on sea voyages. His work On Melancholy can be partly reconstructed from citations, acknowledged or unacknow-ledged, in other authors, and it is this work which Galen declared the best- and in fact an unexceptionable- presentation of the suoject. One of them, Isl: Constantinus, closely connected with the medical school of Salerno, had in tum a decisive influence on the develop-ment of medicine in the west during the Middle Ages ; it may therefore be said that Rufus of Ephesus led the way with regard to the medical conception of melancholy for more than fifteen hundred years.
He too saw primarily the intellectual man, the "man of large understanding and keen wit", as threatened with melancholy, for- just as in Aristotle-illi qui sunt subtilis ingenii et multae perspicationis, de facili inddunt in melancolias, eo quod sunt Yelocis motus et multae praemeditationis et imaginationis. U1 This tum of phrase reverses completely the relation established in l! It also reveals an antithesis which: In diagnosis as well as in aetiology, then, Rufus reinstated the observations and discoveries of the Peripatetics, which the heterodox physicians had negleded.
The symptoms of the melancholic were by now established. Of the three physicians pNO'Iiously mentioned. Tom them sad, make you cheerful1" "Yes. Among compulsive Ideas he meot io[lt nOl only the delusion of being an earthenware jar already cited by An: It is true, however, that at the very point where it concerned method and principle, Rufus of Ephesus gave to the main thesis of Problem XXX, I , a medical turn, with significant and far-reaching results.
The 'Aristotelian' Problem had declared that the melancholy humour could either attain a temporary preponderance as a conse-quence of daily nutriment, without influencing the cha racte r, or could from the beginning possess a permanent preponderance in certain people, determining the fonnation of character: Among these statements, Rufus first adopted the differentiation between the melancholy deriving from the taking in of daily nutriment and that deriving from a constitutional preponderance. I35 But what for the natural philosopher had signified a difference between acute illness and habitual dis-position, as also between purely physical suffering and moral character, acquired an aetiological, and thereby a therapeuti c.
In treatment it makes a not unimportant difference where the illness comes from, for you must know that melancholy is of two kinds: Next, however-and this was perhaps still more enlightening and more important ,. According to 'Aristotle' it was the property of black bile to manifest both great heat and great cold without altering its material nature; according to Rufus, its property was to originate from the immoderate heat ing or cooling of other elements of the body.
He thought in terms 1I0t of function but of matter, and rather than attribute two different symptoms and effects to one and the same 'substance, he preferred to recognise two different substances. In so doing he distinguished the black bile deriving from the cooling of the blood from a far more noxious "melancholia combusta" or "adusta" arising from "burning" of the yellow. In Rufus's text, which has been handed down to us only indirectly. One is like the dregs of the blood, I t O very thick and not unlike the dregs of wine.
The other is much thinner and so acid that it eats into the ground. The one I have compared with dregs I call '"melancholy humour" or "melancholy blood. IIlO , for if cannot really be described as black bile. In some it predominates, whether as the result of the original combination, or as the result of nourishment. If it establishes itSelf in the passages of a brain ventricle, it usually generates epilepsy: Priscian,l42 the early Byzantines such as Aetius,U3 Paul of Acginal44 and Alexander of TralIes,H5 nor the first of the Arabic writers added much that was new; in many ways they even simplified.
The last trace of the melancholic's heroic nimbus vanished ; in particular, his connexion with "profunda cogitatio" was more and more lost sight of, not to be emphasised again till Is: Rufus's words, HEt contingit quod Alexander of Tralles mentioned an additional symptom of melancholy- allegedly observed by himself- which, as we shall see, was to playa certain role in later pictorial tradition, namely a spasm of the fingers. Rufus was also naturally interested in clinical questions propel , and provided a t horwgh. He combilHld Atclepiades' , dietetic a nd gymnastic: H is cure fOT melancholy by "quartilry fever" obviously malaria , recalling as it doe.
IX, I , pp. Puschmann, Vienna , I, pp. II' For this ma..
Novimus quippe foeminam ipsi eiusmodi phantasia obrutam, quae pollicem tam arctissime constringebat, ut nemo digitum facite posset corrigere, affirmans se universum orbem sustinere Indeed, these efforts received their confinnation and impulse from the Aristotelian doctrine that the soul is the "entelechy" of the body, and from the highly developed analysis of emotions and character in Aristotelian ethics.
To this was added in the fourth century the specifically Hellenistic taste ,.. Olum mundum" for the meaning of the "thesaurus" interpolated in Alexander', text. The c;oostant motH of "the whole universe". It appears particularly clearly in the Characters of Theophrastus, where thousands of psychological peculiarities were observed, as it were, in close view, and then embodied in main types.
The same trait appears in Hellenist ic poet ry and art, which enriched certain recurrent genres with a wealth of realistically observed details. Finally there was tht fact that philosophy inclined more and more decisively to the view that "et morum varietates mixtura elementonun facit".
Sextus Empiricus took it simply for granted that the natural constitution of every living thing was determined by one of the four humours; for those governed by the blood an. IM With the growth of interest in physiognomic and characterological theory it was now inevitable that all the humours should be held to possess that power of informing the character which Problem XXX, I, had attributed only to the black bile.
In other words, in the new psychology of types the paths of numoral pathology converged with those of physiognomy and characterology- Problem XXX, I, standing at the crossing of the roads like a signpost. Assuming it , therefore, as proved. But phlegm by its nature does not contribute to the fonnabon of character, as it evidently is always a by-product at the first stage of the metabolic process. IU Air was warm and moist, fire warm and dry, earth cold and dry, and water cold and moist.
With the exception of the blood, which here as elsewhere showed its special pbsition by being located only in the heart, each of the humours was now located in two bodily. Why is it that some people are amiable and laugh and jest, others are peevish , sullen and depressed, some again are irritable, violent and given to rages, while others are indolent, irresolute and timid? The cause lies in the four humours.
Kl4ss" VUI Heidelberg I bi le "'pta. Ie cogitantes, a mos cito produtent. S, PMlosopMa, printed under the name of Honoriu. XLVI 19 T8 , pp. TES 77, is, SI, , One can see that the notions "phlegmatic" and "melancholic" were intennixed and that this confusion lowered the status of the melancholy disposition until at length there was scarcely anything good to be said of it , We believe that this shift in values was due to two factors: Except for a lost work of Albertus.
Magnus, the Liber su,per Problemata,' only Pietro d'Abano's com-mentary on the P roblemata 3 dealt exhaustively with the contents of the Peripatetic doct rine; but only the men of the Quattrocento, wi th their new conception of humanity, ,drew from it conclusions amounting to a basic revaluation of the notion of melancholy and to the creation of a modem doctrine of genius. Famous for the important role he played in the revival of an tiquity,4 Alexander Neckham who died in is as far as we know the firs t medieval writer to mention the Aristotelian thesis.
In agreement with the view most widely held in scholast ic psychology, Neckham declared that the human intellect comprised three distinct functions, each located in a different part of the 'brain: But that was impossible for Albertus.
There was therefore nothing left for him but to make the gi fted melancholic of t he 'Aris totelian ' Problem into a sort of optimal special form of the inherently morbid "melancholia adusta". When the process of "adustio" to which this owed its origin was not carried too far, and when the blood for its part was warm and powerful enough to bear the admixture of "melancholia adusta", then there arose that worthy melancholic who did not really, for Albertus, represent a type of temperament at all but was simply an exceptionally favourable example of the "melancholia non naturalis".
For this reason such pea Ie have firm convictions and veri well regulated passio. Therefore Aristotle says in his book or Problems that all the great philosophers such A1. Propter quod et leo et a lia quaedam h uiusmodi complexioni. Colerici autem longi et gnciles, tleumatici breves et pmgucs ct melaneolie' sont. Hii autem, qui l unt de melancolia adusta calida, sunt valde longi et g,adle!
See alto the attribution 01 the lion. Janchol complexion here in quest ion. The attempt of F. I h 1 of the distinction between natural and pathologtcal me ane 0 y. J, 8 f I N"'I ' "Notandum quod. LIn a r" colLc,. William of Auvergne, therefore, interpreted the 'Aristotelian ' conception in a typically medieval sense, and attributed to the ancients his own medieval approach "propter huiusmodi causas visum fuit AristoteH He considered the excellence of the melancholy temperament as opposed to the particular worth-lessness of the phlegmatic as fitting for the ideal life of ascetic contemplation.
However, nature could admittedly contribute no more than a favourable condition; it would be of no avail without individual free will, and, above all, divine grace. This ideal naturally required not so much a capacity for great achievements as security from temptation. Even in manifestly morbid melancholy the victims retained the gift of inspired revelation, though this was in termitten. Propter hwusmo h ea. Quapropter ad iostar Prophetarun: IIO ; hut quite apart from the fact that despondency had always been the main symptom of melancholy illness, both the aetiology and semeiology in this case which gives us a deep insight into carly Christian asceticism agree so completely with the defin itions in medical li terature on melancholy that J ohannes Trithemius was fully justified in rendering the expression Q: Debes aulem scire, quia tempore meG multi luemnt viri Vnde d cum inter een essel qUldam melanchollcus e t sta tum eius non mediocriter a8'ectarent, aperte dicebanl Dt.
But of all the descriptions of this typical "monastic melancholy", Chry. What Chrysostom held out to him as consolation was mainly an appeal to God's providence. God allowed the devil to continu: I lI80lftadt , SQ mag dir der TeUffel gar nichu K haden: London " l pti 5e mona.
T il, Spirit of Di,cipli.. Stagirius's torments were really gain, and the devil, whom holiness always provoked to do battle, could only attain real power over an ascetic man when. In tbe sixteenth century this notion. Quare daemon, qui agit per cau" l. S na tu rales, muime utitur humore melancholico: Melancholy, however, could also be envisaged as a vice of one's own incurring as soon as it was identified with the sinful "acedia" which was sister-or mother- to "tristitia",U and this identification was made the easier by the fact that the outward symptoms of these sins-"timor" , "taedium cordis", "instabilitas loci", "amaritudo animi" and "spei de salute aut venia obtinenda abiectio" - built up a picture very like melancholy,2?
In eo extinctus est:. Best edition by HjaLmu G. But it was not until long after his return to the monastery that he recovered. Then ' follows a discussion as to the causes. Hugo's illness could be regarded either as a "natural" one, such as tended to originate " ex cibis mclancolicis, aliquando ex potatione fortis vini, ex animi passionibus, scilicet solicitudine, tristitia, nimio studio et timore"- and the artist really did frequently lose himself in gloomy thoughts because he despaired of the fulfilment of his artistic aims,38 and the drinking of wine may have made his condition worse; or else it might be traced to the providence of God, who wished to save the artist from the sin of vanity into which too much admiration had led him, and to recall him, by a "humiliativa infinnitas", to modesty, which, from all accounts, Hugo did display after his recovery by renouncing all his privileges.
WII ohvlously nterring to H ugo van der Goes when. Constanlinus Africanm In contrast to the blendings of theological and medical concep-tions such as we may observe in the writings of St Hildegard and in many other medieval works, especially of the twelfth century,f. O Gaspar Offhuys drew a sharp line between the "ex accidenti naturali" view. But what did he cite as "natural" causes of melanCholy illness? The partaking of "melancholy foods" and "strong wine", the "animi passiones, scilicet solicitudo, tristitia, nimium studium et timor", and in general "malicia humoris corrupti dominantis in corpore hominis"-in other words, exactly the same as appeared in the writings of Rufus of Ephesus and his followers in later antiquity.
The account given by this monastic chronicler, who later rose to various honours, thus reveals the remarkable stability of views in clinical psychiatry, which really had changed only in minor points since the days of later Hellenism. The reason for this remarkable stability lay mainly in the fact that, as we have said, Constantinus Africanus's monograph on melancholy, which became of great importance to the western world, wa.
Both " Serapion", whose writings were sometimes circulated under the name of "Janus Damascenus",f
Related Manilius, Astronomica Buch V (Sammlung wissenschaftlicher Commentare (SWC)) (German Edition)
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