The Scene is not missed, but it is fondly remembered. Having completed a batch of a new strain for a pair of Sisters from Borello, the answers that both Tabs and Ganj have been seeking as to who knocked him out and kidnapped him are emphasized in this violent, bloody and hilarious episode. As well as finding out as much as he can about the Mega-Strain, Tabs suddenly becomes the hunted, while someone close is killed before his eyes.
This in turn initiates a vengeance so deep, that even the city of Redstone — Fire City — hears and feels his pain and anguish. It has been ten years since Ganj very first met Tabs on that weird and surreal night that he was saved from a bullet. Prepare for the worst, to get you ready for the best. It was the 1 st day of July. Ganj was still fast asleep, dreaming of little fluffy clouds and little people chasing around after food for him. All the same, he was about to get a very loud and uncomfortable wake-up call.
Ganj twitched, and then opened his eyes. The look on his face seen waking up the rest of his body from its long slumber. His bedroom door flew open, nearly off of their hinges, to the sight of Tabs; he was disheveled in a way that even Ganj was shocked by his fucked up appearance.
It was a mess. After a few moments of wrestling, biting, hugging, and then some more hugging, Tabs had Ganj in a head lock. Suddenly, Ganj popped his head up and demanded that his friend stop what he was doing, which Tabs did. If there was any one extreme way of finding out whether Ganj was being sincere and honest, it was when he had his nipples twisted, his nose bent and his head put into a Head Lock for final good measure. Sitting back against the headboard of the bed, Ganj shook his head with intentions of waking himself up a little quicker. Raising a hand for Ganj to shut up, Tabs turned and walked out of the room and continued downstairs.
After finally finding his trousers Ganj rushed out of the bedroom and stopped at the top of the stairs. The way that Tabs saw it, he would find out sooner or later, whether it was Ganj telling the tale, or somebody else who was there at the time. It was one of the basic functions of a human to reiterate their experiences, and by default name and shame the ones who were a great part of those experiences. Walking into the kitchen Tabs began to get small images, at first, and then larger flashes of what happened at the house — it was painful for him! Roaring out in an anger that brought Ganj running down the stairs at top speed with concern, he stood in the doorway of the kitchen looking down on the floor to his friend.
Tabs was rolled into a huddled ball, rocking himself backwards and forwards. Have we ran out of coffee? Tabs scrambled to his feet from the floor and went face-to-face with Ganj — Ganj was now ready to challenge his friend. But the question was, of course, by whom? Everyone has flashbacks, mate, and this is one of those handy flashback moments, Ganj. Taking a seat at the kitchen table he sat and stared up at his friend, his expectation of Ganj answering still hanging in the air like a lead balloon.
Ganj was telling the truth, so how did Tabs get back without him noticing? A second thought, right there, Ganj could sleep through a third world war and still function enough all day to not even notice the whole world decimated. So you know who they were? The night he was taken Tabs saw that they had taken advantage of the moment as soon as he got up to the top landing, where because Ganj had not replaced the broken bulb, there was no light to see anything.
However, black was the color of the bag-like hood, but definitely no logo. Journal Straits Branch R. Jeronimo de la Virgen de Monserrate. Vocabulario caste llano-calamia - no. Retana, Archivo II, Madrid, Letter to the author, April 26, Cursos de lengua panayana. Vocabulario de la lengua bicol.
Vocabulario de la lengua tagala. Nolasco de Medio P. Arte de la lengua pangasinan. Beitriige zur Kenntniss der Banao-Leute und der Guinanen. Leipzig, Schadenberg, A. Beitriige zur Kenntniss der im Innern Nordluzons lebenden Stiimme. The articles in Favorlang-Formosan with Happart's Favorlang vocabulary. The Island of Formosa, past and present. A few ideas on the probable origin of the hill tribes of For- mosa. Notes on the languages of the Formosan savages. The aborigines of Formosa.
Comparative tables of Formosan languages. Kdtoshd dozoku chosa hdkoku. Arte nuevo de la lengua ybanfig. Gramdtica de la lengiia de Maguindanao. Sprachvergleichende Bemerkungen in A. Arte de la lengua bisaya-luligayna. Ensayo de gramatica hispano-tagala. Padre misionero de la Comp. Observaciones gramaticales sobre la lengua tiruray. Pardo de Tavera, T. El Sanscrito en la lengua tagalog. Etimologia de los nombres de razas de Filipinas. Journal of Science, Vol.
Philippine palad palar , bliss. Uoin, cloud f dalmndum, obscure 1 lulam, clouded ililim, shade madilim, dark lilimot, to forget dolom, dark night I dulum,. J refurrUy wind 1 tundus, soft wind Bag. Negrito of Baler pdris, wind, which approaches lb. SuL kirong kilat 1 The V in this word may be a misprint.
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Mw toll hei, one man Panip. Regarding its etymology Dr. T inagakai, man Ilk. D kina, mother Lep. Two other phonologically interesting word forms for ' Gaddan ngahan and Isinay ngaron. Kerbou, Somang, moin, tooth. J Id qudck I Id qudss 1 Cf.
Tabs & Ganj
Bennasar to denote the clear Spanish c. Hosted by Google O'pO posuk chad, calf Ban. Idteg, testicles Batan altek, calf Ilk. Imku, nail, hoof, claw PaiT. Unas, nails, claws, hoofs, etc. Ihnd kdmmang kuramang Von. Imituturo, forefinger, index ; Tag. Philippine ngalngdl, mastication nganga, opening of the mouth ngalangala, palate, jaw ngalangala, palate langangag, palate Inb. Where my sources give only one term- it is given under "saliva," the distinction between "saliva" and "spit" remaining undecided ; the words beginning with top-jtuv-etc. I animals isaiv, large intestines binobong, large intestines Bik.
See also under Formosan in following list. Sans, utpatti, produce, production; Mai. See also Codrington, Mel. II go le Bik. But compare also Ilk,, Tag. Oivang, a piece of wood hewn out of a tree or out of another timber; being hewn out. Used with reference to the construc- tion of a dugout. Stem of Batdn chinergeran is kerger.
Philippine kandn, food J kaan, food 1 kanen, food mangan, food malcan, food mak-auj boiled rice mangan, food maa7i, food makan, food f kihim, food 7nakan, eatable kanen, food kannn, food meal? FoRMOSAN amkan, eat amakan, eat kakanai, eat makan, eat manaka-makan, eat mahangay, eat input, eat f wan, eat i inochan, all kinds of food mamukita, eat [ ma?
Idndli Formosa N Pai. Idnah, to oint with fat. McWi, soiling of clothes, etc. Pang, alog, easily inundated low land. Irigat, weight ; M.
Tabs & Ganj
J hmgot 1 naoiaUm Kan. I a hag a, Gin. It must be noted that the radical ay, which, with the help of a prefix, forms the frequently occurring inay, umay, etc. The terms listed are mostly used in calling a person. The radical ali is, in Inibaloi at all events, an animating interjection: The said group of languages was assumed as represented by the file of nineteen dialects presented for comparison.
The result of the com- parison may now be deduced from the word lists as follows: The lists comprise in all one hundred and thirteen Batan catchwords. Of these four properly have to be left out of the reckoning; namely, Nos. This leaves a total of one hundred and nine words. The exact determination of this factor would presuppose that the nineteen dialects are constantly represented in all word lists to their full number.
This coefficient, in truth, is unstable, not, however, to such an extent as to render impossible a satisfactory conclusion. An examination of the eighty-iive words in this respect shows them divisible into two groups: Fifty-eight words repeat themselves in each instance either in the whole or very nearly the whole line, the latter being represented all the time by an average of seventeen of the nineteen dialects set up as a standard. The resnlt is, tben, of the one lumdred and nine words compared there are to be found for eighty-five 78 per cent I'epetitions in the other dialects, and for fifty-eight of the one lumdred and nine words — that is, for 58 ] er cent — the frecpiency of the repetition is so considerable that it comes very near a comnrnnity of words for the whole line set up in ]'epresentati m of be gronp of languages.
WL 30, 31, 82, 33, 42, 48, 49, 50, 51 they may safely be overlooked in tbe ] resent instance. Their nund er is then one hundred aiul nine minus eighty- five leaving twenty-four. I present them together in the following list: I will examine them one by one in their etymology, knowing very well on what errantry I am setting out in so doing. Imim-isum, cloud, and Fav. Other correspondencies see in VVL 5 and 8. The footnote shows, liowever, the occurrence of taul in at least three other dialects where it expresses a certain emission of the human or animal voice.
By association of ideas not to "be traced back its meaning has been specialized differently in various diale d,s as shown at the top of the word list. This ]jhenomenon is explained bv conceiving the dictionaries of all tbe diahxrts of the group as representing a gfMieral Philippine stock of words to wbich also the ] resent four belong. To proccMMl wdth the examination: For iT ot itiiit com] are words cpioted at toj of word list, also Formosan: The concatenation of ecpial forms and ' jual meanings noted at foot of list shows both words related to one anotlier and to other Philippines words of alliable sense.
The common primary sense botli of lafeng and hotog may be "swelling" or "bulging.
The same radical element exists in the Avords with similar meaning juoted at the top of the list. Tbeir radical ele- ments fmd correspondencies in form and sense in other dialects. Tbeir peculiaTity then appears to consist in that iliey bave been bnilt, and ai'c used, only by tJris dialect, though the material emj loyed and the tyj e ol' building are common to the whole gi'ouj.
At the foot of the word list are shown different specializa- tions of the oeneral primary sense underlying all these words which was perhaps "creeping" or "winding. Tiiis leads to the supposition that they are dialectic variations of terms current also elsewbere in the grou] ; that is, of connuon i-o] erty of the latter. Of this curious trait the follow- ing are a few exa]n[ les taken from the word lists: Uwhiiij, hand, has an isolated cori-espondency in Kan. Bat, tinni and Ibn. LATi Nsinp between the dialect under review and one of the others put u] for com ai'ison.
Among these the two neighhoring hm- guages llokano ami ]l anag Avould be thos 3 most likely to present indica- tions of a closer connection. The lists show, indeed, some instances of special correspond 3ncy of the Batan dialect Avith llokano words: What a consideration of tlie lists from this oint of view indeed discloses is a not infrequent occurrence of a predom- inating foi'iu for a certain idea in the northern dialects contrasted occasionally by a similarly predominating chai'acteristic form in the southern half of the Archi] elago.
Instances of this are: K balifok, jj;"old, compared Avitli bulauan. Efforts made by me to obtain furthei- nuiterial from that out- ol'-the-way and seldom-visited island proved fruitless. On the other hand tliere are six other words wiiich show a pronounced concordance with Batan— Nos. Tokyo, 11 0 5. Froui that time also dates a vocahulary, written l y G. Jlappart, of what is generally called the Favor- lang-Formosan.
In looking at the series of dialects given hy me and comparing them with the Philippine column it is necessary, in order to obtain a proper point of vicAV, to realize the incongruity of tlie representation of both. The whohi area of the Island of Formosa would find place about two times in that part alone of Luzon which lies north of Manila; it would cover here about that section which barboi's the non-Clrristian moimtain tribes, a population whose degree of culture resend les that of the Formosans very mudi.
Gabelentz, tJber die formosanische Sprache und ihre Stellung in dem malayischen Sprachstamm in Zeitschrift d. Plorenz, Formosanische Volkslieder nach chinesischen Quellen in Mittheil. I'liero are about sixty word lists to be taken into account, besides ten numerals. I divide the foi'uier roughly into two eipial pai'ts: WL 1, 2, 4, 7, 8, 9, 19, 20, 29, WL 40, 13, The difference in foj-m of the Formosan words is ofttni due to a more oi" less considerable accretiim of sounds, for example: Phi]ip] iii ' huluhi as coiiipcired with Foi'iriosaii niintokan, cic.
Pliilip] iiu' ipui as compared with Forniosan sdpiii, apooln, etc. Flu'lip] iae inia as compared witii Formosan l inma, lama. Kiess] speaks of the arrival in Formosa of emigrants from the northeast at a period several centuries before Christ. As regards mintolmn it may be taken into consideration whether here the fuller Forniosan word does not represent the older form. Forinosan hakush, Philippine hakes with Philippine hahayi e Philippine tachi, takki, iakla witli Philippine tile, ta-i s H3ius to suggest a priority of the hai'der forms.
Compound form-wopds result principally from a contraction or fusion of homogeneous elements. As examples of monosyllabic fohm-wouds in Batan nuiy he pioted: Dana and dipa I'cveal themselves at once as contractions, the iirst of da and 7ia, hoth meaning "already," and the second of di, negative particle, and pa yet , four monosyllabic particles used extensively also in other Philippine dialects. The dialect uses, l esides others of much more recent date, tlie original 1 By substance-words are meant those which, naming the substance of our thoughts, desi;?
Examples of such are: I'he ninety-three words mentioned include several which npon dissolution of an existing re lu[ lication give monoshyllabic components. This is, however, not necessarily the case with all of them, since also words withont reduplication give, when divested of formative elements, frequently a monosyllabic stem. To cite only a few instances: An added P refers to the prologue in Retana containing the vocabulary. I refer to such words as This is either complete, wdien the whole word is repeated, or inc ni] lete, when only a part of it is doubled.
The signification of all has been variously developed; influenced by the significance of the various classes of radical words witli which the formerly loose particles came to be connected as affixes, their own original signification became modified and branched out into different shades more or less remote from the primitive sense; this latter, probably never very definite, can be ap- proached by deduction for some, for others only guessed at. Where the component parts influence each other phonetically, be it only to the extent of a shifting of the accent of the radical word, or where a particle has penetrated into the very body of the stem, or where stem or affixed particle have no existence outside the composition as independent vehicles of meaning, there no doubt can exist that the combination represents a verbal unit, to be given as such also in writing.
Where, however, such conditions do not obtain, especially wliere a particle is in current use both as an affix and as an inde] endent part of speech, there a strict distinction between loose and affixed particles can not be made, and cases of uncer- tainty must arise the more easily the less a dialect has the character of a written language. In the old Batan catechism I find for instance the ordinal numerals written iciiasana, first; icliaruana, second; ichatdona, third, etc. In a modern prayer book they appear as manuma, icharua na, ichatdo na, etc. Affixation may extend to one or to several particles.
In this respect the following distinctions can be made: Diaka- denotes capacity, potentiality, etc. Batan forms the perfect of the same class of derivatives by placing infix beside infix: To give an idea of tlie degree of uniformity witli which these important word-building elements repeat themselves throughout the whole group I present liere a comparative table of fifteen of the commonest Batan affixes with their equivalents in the seven principal dialects. Phonetic modifications of derivatives. These modifications must arise from the desire to give to the whole complex of sounds a flow agreeable to the speakers and they vary to some extent in different dialects.
Through them the composition is rounded off and lifted out from the sentence as a verbal whole. Syncopation consists in a retrenchment of the stem by ejection of a sound from the middle: The following is an as- sortment of such derivatives collected from the texts: Regarding the alternative forms wdiich this table allows for Pangasinan it must be remarked that they are not used indiscriminately but that with them go diil'erenees in meaning: Their structure is explained l y ciphers for which this is the key: The stems are in bold type.
Tlie components of each form are separated by hyphens; dissylUibic compound affixes are, however, not dissolved. In some cases the translation may not be quite exact being founded only on the meaning of the same stem or root in other dialects. St St Pr Pr. I dedicate the next section to a closer examination of three of these aihxes which are singularly characteristic of Philippine speech. For the present it remains to make a few general remarks on the significant JM1H HT which affixes have for the word forms created with their help.
This may he something concrete — e. Sj eaking generally, tliese predicate a being, state, or action, designate an agent, a place, indicate a temporal relation or a iiiodality of an action, lefer the idea of the stem to an object or a person, etc. Thus from above stems arise: Ji'a-bagay-mi, group of lionses ; [-uiii-asing, to make aiioilier drunk; Jia-hirbir, a roll.
With the accumulatiou of affixes attached to a stem the complex of ideas covered by the ensuing ex ression increases ] roportiomitely. In attempting to translate such a lieavily loaded vehicle of meaning we may happily find a word that jnst covers it, often, however, especially if one wished to do justice to all its component j arts in strict etymology, the sense ;onld be rendered only by paraphrase. Prefix ma-, indicating generally existence, gives in Tagah g with sfcun in it heat the derivative viainit. Again in Maifiit name of a locality with a hot spring it is denominative of a place.
For dialectic variatioris of sulTix -en nee ilic comparative table of fifteen conunon aflixes given in the last section. Whenever spoken of as common Philippine I roi erty it shall here he referred to in its Taoaloo- form -in. With such oldest derivatives 1 am not liero concerned. HI may be classed as nouns su! Such derivatives 1 will discard IVoni my immediate ob- servation. Needless to say fhat such translation alone does not yet maki-] them verbs.
To obtain a better survey 1 distinguish whether tluj action they ex- press is indicated in tlie stem or not.
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The your book [be] the search-object yours. This candle [be] the searching-instrument yours. We say, "Search in the chamber. The chamber [be] the searching-place yours. Foj- instance, in Tagalog: To give cause for the employment of one of these affixes the topic I'eferred to must necessarily be determinate or emphasized. In cases wliere the weight of the sentence rests on the agent the latter would be marked at the stem of tlie predicative word by an affix ad hoc. Ilumahdnap aJw nang isang aklat.
Searcher am I of a book. Hosted by Google Tin: It must firrther he remarked that not all stems denoting action of some kind may, like the one ahove exem] litied, take either of the three affixes in question, nurny heing open to one or two of them only. This depends upon the nature of the action expressed in the stem heing in harmony with the VLRiiVL forces of each affix, as it will ] resently hecome apparent. In virtue of tlie vague comprehensiveness of prefix i- this imperative may he in- terpreted hy any such ti-anslation as the following: Instrument of your action with regard to the ohject in sight he the spear.
Ilirovv your s] ear, or s[ ear l e thrown hy you, at yonder ohject. Here this tind er he the olyject of your hewing with the ax, or of your "axing. This statement refers hy sudix -an to a certain field, daiioy talon, this field, as a ] lace for the ] lant called pa gag, rice, suggesting at the sanu; time the action of ] lanting the rice. Ohject and action are connected wit! TJiis field will be my riee planting place. I Bhall plant riee in tbis field, ete.
The nominal character of these is accentuated by the fact that they are in proper cases nsed with the same form of the pronoun which serves as the possessive, and with the article, as shown in tiie examples. Their verbal character, on the other ban i, is confirmed by the circumstance that a temporal relation can be expressed by them as will be fully illustrated hereafter. In the ] r KHMling a gencu'al idea has been given by grossly sensuous examples of the tyj ical significance of the i-, -in, -an derivatives as imparted to them by tbose affixes.
In the same dialect the impei'ative 'light the candle" may be I'endered just as well by gangaten ti ' uidria as by igangat ii candvJa, which is due, according to V. Scliucliardt Kreolisehc Studien V, p. There appear to me, however, to be indicatiims that "place" is already an inter i retation of a more general sense of -an, of something like "exten- sion, or dilatation -f object" and "superficial nontransforming action," which would give room for another interpretation, collateral with "phice," as apj lied in above example of i7iilan and many other similar mes.
At liberty, therefore, to turn freely to any other derivative with -an 1 find for instance in llokano sanga hahiloSin from Span. Hosted by Google THE BATAN dialect The idiomatic use of the three chisses of derivatives is best illus- trated by examples and in the impossibility of following each dialect into all the various shades of their employment there is given in the following only a selection of typical examples from a representative number of dialects which will suffice to show the similarity in use of the affixes in real and metapliorical sense.
Batan is represented by examples taken from the texts proving its accord in this respect with the dialects compared. As far as possible I have given the preference to a word-for-word translation in order to illustrate more forcefrdly the peculiarity of these expressions. Pang, iatol mmj lihro ed silid, object-of -guarding yours- [be] -the book in chamber; guard the book in the chamber. Pang, ipucsak koy kaocs ed pila, motive of washing mine- [are] -the clothes at-the basin. I take the clothes to the basin to wash.
Pang, karkaren moy dim sis cd lamcsann, object-of-scratchiiig yonrs-f be]-the dirt m the table. Pang, pilaktn koy aycp, ol ject-of-conversion-into-silver niine-[will bej-the live- stock. Pang, huelalen ko tan, object-estimated-as-heavy mine that ; I take that for heavy; stem huelat, idea of heavy.
The respective derivatives can be distinguished by the specific mode of employment given these two suffixes in other dialects as above illustrated, and also by the fact that in the perfect the locative -an remains while the other drops off. The coincidence of -an, object, and -an, place, seems to have caused P.
Fausto de Cuevas, the author of "Arte nuevo de la lengua Ybanag" some difficulty; cf. Pang, karkarkn moy lame man na duinsis, pi ace-of -scratching yours- [be] -the table with respect to the dirt. Inddukn ntu si duan, object-of-instruction yours bel Jolin. The object to which something is applied: IjcndicionSiJi mo yamuen 23 , objects-of-blessing yours [[ e] we; stem Span, hendicion, blessing.
Pang, oalsikkn im na padre, objects-sprinkkMl-with-holy-water I aie I tliey of the padre; stem oalsik, as] ergillus. It is as if we could not say "1 buy a book,'' hut only "my purcbase is a book," or, in tbe case of enqibasized agent, "I am pur- cliaser of a book. To tbese five dialects might bave been added witb exactly tbe same result Pampangan and flikol, tbus nuiking n] the seven prin- cipal bmguages of tlie Philippines. A further variation of the same particle might then be Moro-Magindanjiu bu, which likewise indicates the future. BatcUi na,diniaii hinn hmobun 4 , died and was buried.
Of tlie tense-iiidicating signs ] artieles, affixes, recfuplicatiou na and ill of the ] erfeet will ] robably l e found to be extant in all dialects, which would indicate their nse as dating from a time anterior to the s] litting and subse uent separate development of these tongues. Others, especially those declaring future and present, belong only to one or to a limited number of diakn'ts, and may, therefore, he assumed to be younger in otiice. To this end Batan nuiy be confronted with Ibanag, Jlokano, I? Present perfect would in many cases be the most appropriate term. For the hve dial K'ts to he compared witli Batan 1 take such paradigms from the works of the Spanish grammarians.
In the derivatives with -en and i- as such I find no tense ex]n"essed. These present themselves without distinction for both classes as a cond imition of the bare stem with allix in ] laced before its hrst vowel: By their structure as well as hy the sense imparted to them througli the iniix they are coordinate to siicli denomina- tives as Batiin biniafj, animal stem hiay, life: I juote the well-known ] assage from the Apostles' Ireed, "from thence He shall come to judge tlie living and the dead, puiladapo anchna dau as hiije na d'la a nuipaiml'asel'ar sii inaiigahiay as hitiu iiangadivuin 4.
Translating this as closely as possible 1 get, "sallying forth hereafter frotn tbere and going his hither to judge the living and the dead,'' wherein the futurity of tlie advent is expressed by tlie word anchua "hereafter," and, perhaps, also by the peculiar breaking np of the action into "to sally forth" and "to H me. It gives tlie corresponding tense forms for eacli class grouped together so as to afford a picture of their comparative deveh pmeiit in the dialects under review. The salient point of the coui pari son is discovered at the first glance — a development of tense-forms gradually increasiug from tlie north towards the center of the Archipelago — at one end Batan, repi'escnting a relatively rudimentary stage, at the other Panayan, losing itself, seemingly, in an ahundance of alternative forms.
My authority for this dialect is P. Mentrida Arte de la lengua hisaya-hiligayna, 1 S18, edition hy P. For the i- class, however, Mentrida has no other future forms than those given in the tahles. In this connection I will add that my sources do not say if the altei'iiate forms iu Panayan — to which come still others complicated with affix pa and denoting mostly plurality of action — are current in one and the same locality or if they represent suhdialectic variations.
Hosted by Google THE r. Without intimate knowledge of this tongue it would, liowever, be a. In one respect it ap] roaches those juore primitive forms of speech inasmuch as it adds the sense of futui'ity to the predicative word by means of a sign taken from outside — i. On the other hand, the Ilokano future form accom lishes more with this outside help than does Tagalog by niodifving the l ody of the stem itself tlirough reduplication of its first syllable, the greater achievement of Ilokano consisting in that it end dies in its future form also the ] ron un.
Lopez, by reasons of eu] hony since to suffers no vowel before it. Another point to be gathered from the comparison is the different degi'ee of distinction made in the perfect between derivatives of the i- and the -in class. The fact that those forms demonstrate exactly the typical form taken in tlie perfect by stems of similar structure is sufficient. We then get the following scheme: Perfect forms Dialect isulat Batan s Tb.
A like uniformity is observed in the -in derivatives, only that here Batan does not stand on a line with the other dialects, but has but one form both for this and for the i- class. Class and stem Future imperative Perfect Present i-. For greater ease of comparison it is preceded by the English and Spanish texts and followed by a repetition of the Batan version interlined with English.
He descended into hell; Poncio Pilato, fu6 crucificado, muerto the third day He arose again from the y sepultado; descendio A los infiernos; dead; He ascended into heaven, sitteth al tercer dia resucito de entre los muer- at the right hand of God, the Father tos; subio a los cielos, y esta sentado i1 Almighty; from thence He shall' come la diestra de Dios Padre todopoderoso ; to judge the living and the dead. I desde alli ha de venir a juzgar los believe in the Holy Ghost, the Holy vivos y los muertos. Creo en el Espi- Catholic Church, the communion of ritu Santo, La Santa Iglesia Catolica, Saints, the forgiveness of sins, the res- la comunion de los Santos, el perdon de urrection of the body, and the life los pecados, la resurreccion de la carne y everlasting.
EL CEEDO Mangamiguir aco du Dios Ajna a nacapamaring du atahu; a minang- ammig du Ganit, canu tana; anngden co pa si Jesus Christo, a mahuyhug a manganac na, Aputa atahu; a tuminao a minay pakaiapo du Espiritu Santo, cliinamanganac ni Santa Maria Virgen a niinalichalichat du capay mday sia ni Poncio Pilato, pinascan du Cruz, nadiman, canu hkiohun, gumintin du infiernos, du ichatdona ca arao du minacadinian na minirua a mabiay, tuminogos du Ganit, canu are mindisna dau du canan nil Dios Ania a macapaniaring du atahu; macaiapo ancJma dau as cage na dia a mapaisccasecar su mangahiay as canu nangadiman: Such are the delimitation of the territorial extension of those dialects and the question to what degree they are unifoirm Avithin such territory.
I give it in extenso and as literally as possible. Notwithstanding the edicacicnis diligence of our predecessors there always remained aggregated not being able to remedy it 1 Created with undefined eastern limits at the beginning of the conquest of Luzon, the Province of llokos was divided for better administration of its greatly increased population in into two partidos or alcaUUas mayorcs distinguished as Norte and Sur. The above account was written over a hundred years ago. Wishing to form an exact judgment of the present status of that dialect I have taken the best course in such a case and consulted the Ilokanos themselves.
Upon my request Governor Joaquin Luna, of La Union Province, had the courteousness — so characteristic of Filipinos in general, as I may ] e permitted to add — to address several prominent U. There are some terms, it is true, which are current only in one town and not in another farther on, but these are only localisms, not constituting different dialects.
Tlic statement here made on ilie uniformity of Ilokano is the fruit of long experience acquired during my residence in various points of the region under review which enabled me to observe and study the question in detail. Dakanay speaks of Ilokanos of Santo Tomds. To understand fully the situation it is neeessary to know that the Province of La Ihiion is of I'elatively reeejit creation. Tiven the Hat coastal plain dotted witli siraggiing ] iieblos along tbe main road and with dispersed bai'rios or groui s of houses between the fields, it may never liave been XQvy cdcarly drawn.
The inhabitants of this ju-oNince Pangasinan] are of two nationalities. Tlio tlirce Province's Ilokos Norte, Siiv, and Al ra liavo no snhstuntial UtlVvcner wliatcver in tlieir liaU'cts l ut onlv an accidental one in llicir local expressions. The remainder of tlie towns were formerly in Pangasinan and tlieir llokano speecli is toleral ly adultei"ated, as you may very well note in the towns of Agoo, Santo Tomas, and Rosario, which still speak both llokano and Pangasinan. Expanding from this deusely popu- lated country they luive caivried their speech witli them into uuiny otiuu' [ rovinces in wliich they liave settled and founded colonies.
Its intluence upon an adjacent Igorot dialect has! Bisayan of Ci 4 n M,- l. UKis Marcp Mar piesas Miani. As is seen in the foregoing examples. The confusion of h, u, and v in Spanish orthography is well known and was especially common prior to the last century ; note the spelling of Spanish words by the author here cited: Bocahulario, ycrva, rivcra, nuvc, pp. Thus the word appearing in the list as catava husband, wife , is properly katawa, cf. For the Kalamian prefixed fc of katawa, cf. The word appear- ing in the list as Iwvii, 'night', corresponds to Tag. In the same introduction, under the heading "Manobo," the Avg Maria is given in the Manobo language, and contains the words mafia bis , ampo, and pono.
This is the only material at hand for the Manobo, and is, of course, insuflicient evidence upon which to base any rule as to the interchange of p and f. Swettenham, Journal of the Straits Branch, R.
It would appear that Nias, like Tir. Such words as lb. I, Manila, , p. The author here states that f occurs only before u and i, and is changed to p before the latter vowel! Ilokano piino, 'spend' Mai. Rodriguez, Diccionario Ibanag-Espanol, Manila, The editor of the latter work makes the following misleading statement in his intro- duction p. Jose Rodriguez, Manila, other editions later. In Ibanag itself, all original surd stops, when final, are mute ; and as they are fully sounded when supported by a suffix, I have followed the custom of the dictionaries and grammars in retaining the final mute consonant in the suffixless forms, but writing it above the line instead of after a hyphen, thus, lb.
It is customary in everyday practice among the Kagayan people to write and, appd, atu, etc. On tlie otlier hand, such words as lb. It is easy to see liow this ancient rule, so simple of application and so fully autliorized by tradition, should continue to be observed in the written language after it ceased to be an accurate statement of a linguistic plienomenon.
Mhig or hifig, lip", cf. The shifting from original p seems to have been through an intermediate pf like the Middle and Modern High German pf in pfimd, pfad, stumpf, as compared with the English cognates, pound, path, stump. Wliile giving a course in Englisli phonetics to a class of twenty-one young 1 Cf. I have adopted the form Ibaloi Instead of Nabaloi in this article at the personal request of the author. Sampilanchu for 8an Fernando.
The word Filipino being written on a blackboard on the evening of July 7, , each member of the class was asked to pronounce it independently, with the following result: The f sound was in each case a pure labial. In such cases the sound is produced by expelling the air through the lips when closed, but so relaxed that a very slight explosion is immediately followed by an almost imperceptible spirant, the result being a pf sound, the constituent elements of which are so blended as to be hardly distinguishable from each other. The fricative element is naturally more marked in intervocalic position, and the stop consonant in initial or final position; hence one frecpiently hears, even in parts where the native language properly has no labial fricatives, such pronun- ciations as pilifino.
The sonant fricative v. This i; is a pure labial like w as pronounced in certain parts of Germany, but is much more forcibly pronounced, especially when doubled as in davvun pron. Under other circumstances original h is unchanged in Ibanag itself, e. The existence of a voiced labial fricative in Gaddan is doubtful, and it is probable that whenever h is affected in this dialect, it becomes f v. So far as can be ascertained from the materials at hand, v is not found except in the Ibanag speech area. Other examples for Chamorro are: Tlie Philippine f, as lias already been observed p.
It is doubtful whether the Indo-Eu]'opean family furnishes an example of this second- ary shifting. I learn also that Di-. The foregoing are tJie tirst serious attempts to record and describe the Igoi'ot language.
Full text of "Publications"
Furthermore they had but slight knowledge of English and it was almost impossible to get from them, at any one time, a deliberate statement of the idiomatic equivalents. Their tendency to the mere transference of words has been constant. The only remedy for this has come through my daily intimate contact of nearly five years with the people; but it would be remarkable if, in a work compiled under such circumstances, there were not many deficiencies, and the compiler does not hope that his work is free from them.
I desire to record here my great obligation to the following natives of the Bontok region who have assisted me by furnishing materials for this volume: In every stage of the work of digesting and arranging these materials I have had the benefit of the help and encouragement and parallel labors of my colleagues in Bontok, Mr. Oakes, and Miss L. The irksome task of dealing with and transcribing my first very imperfect manu- script was kindly taken in hand, during my furlough in America, by Mr.
Jesse Knight, and afterwards by the Eev. Henry Swift, chaplain of the Thirteenth Infantry, United States Army, whose previous studies and work among the Sioux Indians gave him a special interest in prim- itive peoples and their languages. To all of these I would express my sincere thanks and the hope that this book may be of some service in helping a people who are well worth our best efforts. In the Igorot section an attempt is made to indicate the grammatical relationships of words, in cases where they would not be evident to a student of the language.
The included number of sentences or expres- sions involving several words as the equivalent of one English word is not great, not because they do not exist but because the work is not a phrase book, but is intended simply as a guide to the words most fre- quently used in the Bontok region, from which, by experience of the idiom, the learner may gradually build the more indirect expressions. The English section of the vocabulary is intended chiefly as a rough index to the Igorot part, with only general distinctions noted paren- thetically.
In almost every instance it will be found that the two sections of the vocabulary correspond. You look like shit by the way! Shaken by the fact that he thought that it was something to do with her, Tabs forced himself to calm down a little before turning and sitting down on the edge of the sink. Finally taking off what she believed was all of the face pack, Veronica turned to Tabs and asked if it was off?
Tabs glanced up for a second, and then glanced up again — memorized. Handing Tabs a wet wipe she asked him nicely to get the rest of the pack from her nose, something that brought the two to facing one another at a very short distance. Veronica knew how this was affecting Tabs, she just chose to keep it to herself and have some fun — at first. Working the wet fabric around the bridge of her nose he slowed in the removing of the sickly green colored goo.
The act was one that Tabs had seen and experienced from her before, back when they were younger at a time when he had more to live for and even more to fear. And how would Rasputin know anything? Veronica returned to look in the mirror. Tabs had to differ his opinion, as Rasputin was the man who had left Redstone a criminal and returned as a Monk, or some strange shit like that.
Only when he was spiked with a new high strength Acid formula by some cocky little Yuppie, did he go off of the rails and start going crazy. They call him that because only crazy people get tagged names like Rasputin, and believe me, he is a typical example. Tabs looked at the floor, just for a second, before looking back at Veronica standing there.
He saw beauty, he really did, but it was the beauty of a woman who was as complicated as he was himself. When we were at school and I said to you that I bet you look better naked than with your clothes on? She was angry, too angry and desperate to take the egg he had thrown at her. Quickly several of the friends huddled into her with sympathy, all except for Veronica who was standing with tear-filled eyes. Leaving the Manor House the same way he had come in, he was met by Mrs. Paxton, again, who informed him that she had phoned the police and that they were on their way.
Tabs nodded with a smile. It will never happen! Now, are you staying or leaving?
Make up your mind? Rasputin and his Three Blind Chemists were hidden out by the lakeside of Gembera, on the opposite side of Redstone Falls. Looking around him he saw that the madman had more than the usual number of security men, nearly three times as many as he had the last time he called around to see him. Now, what can I do for you? What he had been rehearsing in his head for what to say to Rasputin once he was there sitting down in front of him seemed to disintegrate before him and leave only the three words he spoke out with shame.
From his love of Poetry, to the publishing of Novels, with titles to cater for everyone and anyone. A Writer and Author of Screenplays and Script-writing, Marcus has so far completed several scripts over the past two years. He spends his time with the family, his two twin daughters and his wife, Carol, along with Kai their 4-year-old Siberian Husky.
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